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Cheng-yi Lin 《East Asia》1992,11(4):40-57
If there had not been a Korean War, the Chinese Communists would probably have invaded Taiwan in 1950. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States began to reverse its hands-off policy toward the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan. The Korean War first compelled the United States to grant military aid to Taiwan and then put the island under U.S. protection. The war forestalled the deterioration of the ROC’s international status, but the legal status of Taiwan became undetermined in the eyes of U.S. policymakers. U.S. economic aid prevented Taiwan from sliding into an economic depression in the 1950s, and greatly contributed to the island’s later economic takeoff. He is the author ofThe Taiwan Security Triangle (Taipei: Laureate Publishing Company, 1989).  相似文献   

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Jialin Zhang 《East Asia》1995,14(2):47-61
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the anti-Soviet rationale for U.S.-China ties was exhausted. Today, both countries are trying to define the new foundation and intrinsic value of their long-term relationship in the post-cold war era. Although human rights, trade, and weapons proliferation issues were major obstacles to the improvement of bilateral relations, recent developments have shown that by making mutual concessions and showing good will, the PRC and the United States can avert confrontation and build a constructive relationship. He was a visiting scholar at Stanford University between 1993 and 1994.  相似文献   

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Kim Hakjoon 《East Asia》1994,13(2):31-48
This article examines the process leading to establishment of the diplomatic relationship between South Korea and China in 1992. For that purpose, the article reviews first the Northern Policy of the Sixth Republic of Korea, whose major aim was to improve South Korea’s relations with the then socialist and communist countries, including the Soviet Union. Next the focus moves to the secret negotiations between South Korea and China. One of the major arguments of the article is that the expansion of commercial and trade relations between South Korea and China plus the end of the cold war contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relationships between the two neighbors.  相似文献   

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Michael J. Siler 《East Asia》1998,16(3-4):41-86
In over forty years of relations with the United States, South Korean decision-makers have had plenty of time to estimate the costs and benefits of acquiring nuclear weapons. The puzzle becomes why South Korea did not develop an operational nuclear capability, given the North Korea threat, the weakening of the U.S. guarantee, a vibrant economy, and an advanced nuclear manufacturing base. This case provides proof that U.S. rewards and threats significantly affect Third World states' nuclear decision-making and that the United States has greater influence with smaller and more vulnerable states than with larger and more technologically advanced states.  相似文献   

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Sharif M. Shuja 《East Asia》1997,16(1-2):65-85
This article argues that Japan would not only be concerned about the creation of a united Korea, which could be a serious economic and political rival in her own backyard, but would actively fear the prospect of the extension of Chinese or Russian military influence to the Straits of Tsushima through a Korean regime that leaned towards either of these powers. For the U.S., too, while there might be political advantages in the appearance of a serious economic rival to Japan, these would be greatly outweighed by the possibility of the same extension of Chinese or Russian military influence feared by Japan. This is evident in the strategic, economic, and diplomatic objectives and interests of the powers in the peninsula. This article concludes that the coexistence of the two Koreas will be not only inevitable for the time being, but ultimately desirable for the external powers.  相似文献   

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李庆明 《美国研究》2012,(1):47-67,4
建国初期,美国国会制定《外国人侵权法令》,授予联邦法院对违反国际法或美国缔结的条约的侵权诉讼行使管辖权,希望新生的美国赢得外交尊重。20世纪60年代,美国民权运动蓬勃发展,涉及外国的国际民事纠纷成倍增长。在人权利益团体的努力下,加上美国法律制度中方便原告起诉的具体规则等因素,《外国人侵权法令》引起美国学界和司法界的广泛讨论。总体而言,《外国人侵权法令》对人管辖权和事项管辖权的范围一直不断扩张,美国联邦法院愿意执行国际法尤其是国际强制规范,但联邦法院倾向于非自动执行条约理论而不执行大多数国际人权公约或条约。  相似文献   

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Kim Byong Hong is deputy director of the Institute for Disarmament and Peace, Pyongyang, DPRK. This paper was presented at a conference in Pyongyang in fall 1994.  相似文献   

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