政府竞争力的重要地位及其实现

立足于执政能力建设的政治高度,政府竞争力取得了更高的价值定位和更宽厚的内涵。提升政府竞争力,有助于提升企业竞争力,强化执政能力的物质基础;有助于增强社会竞争力,奠定执政能力的民众基础;有助于扭住整个国家竞争力的关键点,夯实执政能力的综合基础。当然,政府竞争力存在价值手段与价值目标的悖论,为此,应构建利益均衡机制,实现政府结构的优化和整体竞争力最大化,构建比较、学习与创新三大系统,寻求单个政府竞争力的动态生成机制。     

试论电子商务在数字图书馆中应用的必要性

电子商务是运用互联网技术进行的一种商业贸易活动,主要是以电子信息、设施为载体来提供商品和服务的,其内容包括广告,交易、支付、服务等活动.目前,世界各国将提高文献信息服务能力作为数字图书馆发展的重要任务,电子商务代表信息产业的发展方向,应用于图书馆领域,更能增强数字图书馆在网上信息服务方面的竞争力,使图书馆在互联网上有重要的一席之地,符合网络化、数字化图书馆的发展方向.     

国家能力与政府间财政关系

基于国家能力视角,研究中国政府间财政关系演进的逻辑及改革有其学术价值。国家能力两大支柱是市场增进能力和控制动员能力,政府间财政关系通过事权、财权和转移支付制度设计,对这两大能力均有重要影响。中国政府间财政关系的演进始终围绕提升国家能力而展开,它在不同时期,在各级政府层面,均有不同的展现:统收统支制度通过强化中央政府的财政集权,来提高国家的控制动员能力,从而强力推动国家工业化;分灶吃饭制度通过放权,使得地方政府运用辖区控制动员能力来创造市场;分税制有效提高中央政府的控制动员能力,同时中央与地方分别在建设统一市场、促进局部市场发展上合理分工。为匹配国家治理体系和治理能力的现代化,现行政府间财政关系仍需进一步改革,中央税要导向生产性税基,地方税要导向消费性税基和财产性税基,事权分配要体现事权分置与中央制衡原则,转移支付要扩大分类拨款的比重。     

缩小"信息鸿沟"是提升企业竞争力的迫切要求

“信息鸿沟”可以界定为“信息资源的可得性、利用有效性和利用能力方面与国外企业或理想状态的差距”。我国企业的“信息鸿沟”既表现在面临的“信息困境”和业已造成的严重后果,更表现在我国企业信息意识不足和信息获取能力方面的劣势。本文力图表明:“信息鸿沟”是制约我国企业竞争力提升的重要因素之一,缩小“信息鸿沟”是提升我国企业竞争力的迫切要求。     

高校图书馆提升大学生信息素养的策略研究——大数据时代背景下

文章结合大数据的时代背景,归纳出大数据时代高校图书馆信息素养教育的主体目标是要从增强大学生的信息意识、提高大学生的信息技能、提升大学生的信息利用能力和增强大学生的信息道德意识四个方面来落实。提出了大数据时代高校图书馆提升大学生信息素养的相应策略。     

企业信息化:提升西部企业竞争力的有效途径

企业信息化是提高企业核心竞争力的关键。而西部企业信息化发展滞后于全国,存在着诸多问题,制约了西部经济的发展。快速发展西部经济,提升西部企业竞争力的有效途径,在于国家、西部政府采取得力措施,提高整合企业信息化的能力。     

企业信息门户在电信业的发展策略研究

企业信息门户技术的成功应用为理顺电信行业企业内部流程,提高企业分析决策能力,加强潜在的业务拓展,增强企业竞争力提供了强有力的平台保障。企业信息门户能够将企业各种互相独立的应用系统进行整合和管理,将大量异构平台的系统和数据资源被充分利用,使得信息和数据的更新同步,将各系统集成到了统一、安全和个性化的门户中。内部信息门户系位搭建策略有三:进行统一的规划确定平台体系架构、内容与功能规划、整合各应用系统;进行统一信息管理,实现单点登录、明确LDAP结构与内容、进行统一权限管理;内部信息门户系统安全性策略。系统安全策略应从应用系统安全、操作系统安全、网络安全、病毒防范四个方面来考虑。     

发达国家文化软实力的提升及启示

当今世界,文化软实力已经成为国家核心竞争力的重要因素.发达国家在提升文化软实力方面进行了一些有益的探索:一是把文化发展放在十分重要的地位,制定和实施国家文化发展战略、文化法规、文化政策;二是把强大而有竞争力的文化产业作为文化软实力的重要载体;三是注重文化输出,弘扬和扩大文化的国际影响力.研究西方发达国家提升国家文化软实力的成功做法,对于推动我国文化大发展大繁荣具有重要意义.     

追赶战略下中国制造业的技术能力提升——以中国华录·松下公司视听设备产业发展为例

在比较优势逐渐丧失和存在发达国家压制的情况下,中国制造业全球竞争力的提高和向全球产业价值链高端的攀升,需依靠自身技术能力的培育和提升来实现。如何培育和提升制造业技术能力就成为理论和实践中要关注的一个焦点。采用案例研究方法对中国华录·松下公司视听设备产业的发展过程和技术能力演进路径做了深入考察,并在分析其经验启示和面临挑战的基础上提出了追赶战略下中国制造业技术能力提升的整合框架。研究表明,核心产业链和核心技术链的协同发展是中国制造业技术能力提升的基础,必须在构建核心产业链的基础上打造自主的核心技术链;中国制造业技术能力提升应遵循循序渐进的策略;积极开展自主研发活动是中国制造业技术能力提升的保障;中国制造业技术能力的提升要以快速形成可持续的核心技术自主开发能力为目标;同时,中国制造业技术能力的提升还需要相应产业与技术政策支持的助推作用。     

政府公共危机管理能力的提升——基于风险社会理论的视角

近年来,我国进入了公共危机事件的高发期,风险事件越来越多,这严峻考验着我国政府应对突发公共事件的能力.根据风险的多维度治理思路,我国政府公共危机管理能力的提升必须从多角度、多方向来考虑,采取多种有效的措施:建立健全危机管理预警机制;重视专家队伍的力量,提高公共危机决策的质量;完善危机管理的法律制度建设;加强公共危机教育,提升危机救治能力;建立信息资源库,畅通信息流通渠道和加强公共危机管理的国内外合作等措施来提升公共危机管理能力.     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。