当代印度尼西亚的中国观演变

当代印尼中国观的演变对中国和印尼的双边关系乃至中国与周边国家关系产生重要影响。冷战结束以来,印尼的中国观从负面向正面方向演变。这种演变与印尼自身的民主改革、中国国力的提升与中国和印尼战略伙伴关系的确立密切相关。未来印尼的中国观将受到投资因素、跨国人口流动因素和美国因素等影响。而密切政治对话、强化社会人文交流和有序引导中国企业的投资将是保证未来印尼的中国观正向走向的关键举措。     

印尼苏西洛政府的"自信"外交

作为印尼的第一位民选总统,苏西洛对内发展经济、恢复秩序,对外开展"自信"外交,以重塑国家形象和实现印尼的地区大国地位.苏西洛"自信"外交主要包括四个方面:增强印尼在东盟事务中的作用、大力发展与域外大国的关系、积极开展多边外交、塑造"民主、多元、和平"的国家形象.虽然苏西洛"自信"外交获得了很大成功,但是也受到了国内外因素的制约.     

对宗教自由与多元主义的挑战：印尼反阿赫默迪亚运动浅析

印尼是一个多元民族与多元文化的国家，宗教自由与多元主义是印尼建国以来长期奉行的政治原则，对维护族群团结与社会稳定发挥着重要影响。但近年来印尼国内日益猖獗的反伊斯兰阿赫默迪亚教派的运动不仅严重践踏了宗教自由与多元主义的政治原则，同时也凸显了后苏哈托时期印尼伊斯兰激进主义的膨胀及其日益增长的政治影响。今天印尼的反阿赫默迪亚运动不仅加剧了印尼伊斯兰思想与穆斯林社会的分裂，同时也折射出当代印尼伊斯兰自由主义与多元主义在印尼面临的困境与挑战。     

印尼取消歧视华人的法律法规

随着民主改革的逐步深入,印度尼西亚社会在新世纪到来之际也吹进了一股清新的政治空气。今年1月5日,印度尼西亚政府表示,将重新审查并最终可能废除所有歧视当地华人的法律法规。这一举措得到了印尼各阶层人民的支持和国际社会的好评。印尼社会各界认为,这是印尼开始走向团结稳定和繁荣昌盛的象征。 政治和安全统筹部长维兰托在解释政府的这项新举措时说,根据瓦希德总统最近做出的消除对华人和其他少数民族的歧视的指示,政府将对至少13项歧视华人等少数民族的政府条例进行重新审查。     

印尼政治伊斯兰和伊斯兰政党——伊斯兰政治衰退证据的批判性评价

据说,伊斯兰教(总的来说是宗教)在印尼政治中的影响正在衰退。一些观察家甚至大胆断言印尼正显现出世俗的民主。一些证据显示情况可能正是这样。首先,有调查显示     

毛里塔尼亚民主进程浅析

2005年"八三变革"开启了毛里塔尼亚的民主进程.此前,塔亚政权虽然自20世纪90年代初就在毛塔进行了民主改革,但其表面化和不彻底性都与此次以"八三变革"为开端的民主改革有本质区别.2005年变革以来,毛塔的民主进程稳步推进.政变后建立的军政权在其承诺的19个月过渡期内成功地组织了多次民主选举,保证了军政权还政于民的顺利进行.2007年4月,毛塔组成以阿卜杜拉希总统为首的新政权,继续在民主化道路上前行,改变了一党独断的体制.毛塔新政权执政以来,坚持民主政治的方向,不论在执政理念还是在执政方略上都发生了显著变化.     

后苏哈托时代福建籍华人社团与印度尼西亚多元社会的构建

在1998年后上台的印尼新政府推行民主化改革的框架下,印尼华人尤其是福建籍的华人社团纷纷出现。凭借着其独特的优势,福建籍华人社团充分利用自身的社会资本,在社会福利、文化教育和经济交流等领域积极参与印尼的多元社会建设,成为当前印尼华人落地生根、融入当地社会的重要推动力量。     

冷战后美国与印尼关系的国家利益层次分析

冷战结束后,苏哈托仍然继续统治印尼,直到1998年5月因国内经济危机和全国性反对浪潮的出现才被迫下台。冷战后,美国和印尼两国经贸关系持续发展,军事安全领域的合作虽有中断但也基本得到维持。在冷战结束后的10多年里,印尼经历了从专制到民主的转型,美国-印尼两国尽管在合作中掺杂着斗争和矛盾,其间也因为民主和人权问题发生过一些纷争,但总体上维持了一种互利的平稳关系。与美国-印尼关系形成对照的是一些被美国称作“无赖”国家(Rogue states)与美国的敌对紧张的关系,如朝鲜、伊朗、(前)伊拉克、以前的利比亚、古巴等一直列在美国高度防…     

印尼华文教师的现状：问题与对策——从社会问卷调查看印尼华文教育的状况

印尼瓦希德和梅加瓦蒂两届政府均主张多元文化社会,调整了华文政策,华文教育获得了迅速的发展.目前,印尼华文教育面临师资严重短缺、师资队伍老化、教学水平不高、学生学习华文困难等诸多问题.通过对印尼华文教师进行田野调查,进一步了解到印尼华文教师队伍的现状和存在的问题,有助于解决困难和推动华文教育的发展.     

印度尼西亚对外军事合作发展及其地区影响

印尼在经历20世纪90年代剧烈的民主化政治进程之后,经过历届政府的过渡发展,现已逐渐走出政治混乱、经济萎缩、社会动荡的泥淖。自苏西洛2004年接任总统以来,印尼的民主政治进程呈现出趋向效率的态势,经济形势得到改善,     

Illiberal democracy and violent conflict in contemporary Indonesia

When Indonesia's President Suharto was forced to resign in 1998, the accompanying uncertainty triggered serious communal violence in five regions. As the nation's politics and economy stabilized from 2002, so did those provinces. Identity-based conflict is now the rare exception rather than the rule in democratic Indonesia. Yet puzzlingly, despite the consolidation of democracy, ethnic clashes and mob violence against religious minorities continue to occur. While such events are now far smaller than those in the first years of democratization and occur only occasionally, their persistence requires analysis given the potential for escalation and what it tells us about Indonesia's reform process. In this article I compare recent incidents with that of the initial post-authoritarian era, and find that identity-based collective violence persists because many important causes of conflict have not been removed by democratic consolidation. As found by numerous scholars, many illiberal characteristics of the authoritarian state have segued neatly into democratic Indonesia. I assert that this has left several main causes of group violence firmly in place. I further contend that the failure to remove these phenomena partly has its origins in the order of democratic reforms chosen in the years after Suharto's resignation.     

Indonesia's democratic stagnation: anti-reformist elites and resilient civil society

As Egypt and Tunisia begin difficult democratic transitions, comparative political scientists have pointed to the world's largest Muslim nation, Indonesia, as a role model. Seen as a stand-out exception from the global recession of democracy in the pre-2011 period, Indonesia has been praised as an example of a stable post-authoritarian polity. But a closer look at Indonesia's record in recent years reveals that its democratization is stagnating. As this article demonstrates, there have been several attempts to roll back reforms introduced in the late 1990s and early 2000s. While not all of these attempts have been successful, Indonesia's democratic consolidation is now frozen at 2005–2006 levels. However, the reason for this democratic stasis, the article argues, is not related to Diamond's notion of societal dissatisfaction with bad post-authoritarian governance. Opinion polls clearly show continued support for democracy despite citizen disgruntlement over the effectiveness of governance. Instead, I contend that anti-reformist elites are the main forces behind the attempted roll back, with civil society emerging as democracy's most important defender. This insight, in turn, questions the wisdom of the decision by foreign development agencies – in Indonesia, but other countries as well – to reduce their support for non-governmental organizations and instead intensify their cooperation with government.     

Exploring political determinants of the magnitude of financial reforms in developing countries

This paper aims to empirically explore political determinantsof the magnitude of financial reforms, namely, under which conditionsa country is more likely to choose a ‘big-bang’type of financial reform versus a gradual financial reform.Especially, how the International Monetary Fund's (IMF's) effecton the magnitude of financial reforms is conditioned by politicalinstitutions is quantitatively examined using 30 developingcountries' data from 1973 to 2002. Results demonstrate thatthe IMF's effect on facilitating a big-bang type of financialreforms is contingent upon the number of veto players in thecase of a democratic government. Also, a non-democratic governmentis more likely to engage in big-bang type of financial reformsthan a democratic government, holding other conditions constant. Received for publication October 8, 2006. Accepted for publication December 12, 2006.     

Marketization,Class Structure,and Democracy in China: Contrasting Regional Experiences

After two and half decades of market reforms in China, the question of whether reforms have created favourable social conditions for democracy and whether the country's emerging entrepreneurial class will serve as the democratic social base have become hotly debated issues in both academic and policy circles. Based upon an analysis of two regions – Sunan and Wenzhou, the two prototypical local development patterns in China – the article argues that different patterns of economic development have produced distinct local level social and political configurations, only one of which is likely to foster the growth of democratic practices. It suggests that China's political future is largely dependent upon the emerging class structure and class relations that reform and development have produced. If the market reforms and economic development only enrich a few (like the Sunan case), then the possibility of democratic transition will likely be very bleak. Nonetheless, the possibility of a brighter alternative exists, as demonstrated by the Wenzhou case. These arguments thus link China's political transition to critical social conditions, echoing Barrington Moore's influential work on the social origins of democracy and dictatorship.     

The internal–external security nexus and EU police/rule of law missions in the Western Balkans

Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) police/rule of law missions in the Western Balkans are increasingly guided by externally imposed normative agendas that respond primarily to EU internal security needs rather than functional imperatives or local realities. In line with these needs, EU police reform efforts tend to prioritise effectiveness and crime fighting over longer- term democratic policing and good governance reforms. In practice this means that police reform initiatives are technocratically oriented, yet value ridden fitting EU security concerns and needs. As a result, the police reform process can be—and often is—disconnected from the political and socio-economic reforms necessary for long-term stability and sustainable peace. Police assistance in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been shaped by a determined albeit questionable focus on organised crime and corruption. The focus of EU police reform in Macedonia on primarily crime-fighting aspects of policing has compromised thefunctioning of the Macedonian police. Similarly, the politics of (non-)recognition of Kosovo's self-proclaimed independence and the intrusiveness of EULEX Kosovo's executive mandate contravene meeting local challenges.     

东盟国家金融改革与重组比较研究及启示

东南亚金融危机的爆发 ,充分暴露了东盟国家20世纪80年代以来金融自由化改革的片面性和局限性。危机之后 ,东盟各国对金融体系进行了改革 ,加速债权债务重组 ,设法清理巨额呆账 ,完善央行的监管职能 ,以便使金融业在国民经济中更好地发挥积极作用。一、东盟各国金融改革与重组举措1.重组金融体系。主要包括以下三个方面 :首先 ,改革中央银行 ,加强央行的独立性。泰国央行于2000年5月成立了货币政策局 ,2001年9月改为货币政策委员会 ,以加强央行制定和执行货币政策的职能。印尼政府于1999年5月颁布了新的央行法 ,使印尼央行拥有更大的自主权 …     

Health care and democratization in Indonesia

Analyses of Indonesian democracy often emphasize elite capture of democratic institutions, continuity in oligarchic power relations, and exclusion of popular interests. Defying such analyses, over the last decade, Indonesia has experienced a proliferation of social welfare programmes, some with a redistributive element. This article analyses the expansion of social welfare protection by focusing on health care. At the national level, Indonesia has introduced programmes providing free health care to the poor and approved a plan for universal social insurance. At the subnational level, in the context of far-reaching decentralization reforms, politicians have competed with each other to introduce generous local health care schemes. Taking its cue from analyses of social welfare expansion in other East Asian states, the article finds the origins of policy shift in the incentives that democracy creates for elites to design policies that appeal to broad social constituencies, and in the widening scope for engagement in policymaking that democracy allows. The article ends with a cautionary note, pointing to ways in which oligarchic power relations and the corruption they spawn still undermine health care quality, despite expansion of coverage.     

Jordan: Between the Arab Spring and the Gulf Cooperation Council

The Arab Spring has fundamentally shifted the strategic balance in the Middle East. As all sides rush to ensure that their interests will be secured, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has emerged as a key battleground between those who would like to see a more democratic region, and those who would like to maintain economic stability. On one side of this debate is the Gulf Cooperation Council, led by Saudi Arabia, that views democratic reform as a threat to economic stability. On the other side are the forces of the Arab Spring, which have called for political reform in states such as Egypt, Syria, and Libya, even if these reforms come at the expense of stability. This article examines the various forces, both domestic and international, that are attempting to influence Jordan, and through it, the balance of power in the Arab World.     

中东国家经济体制改革与民主政治建设的启迪

从20世纪70年代开始，中东国家先后进行了经济体制改革，取得了一定的成效，但也产生贫富差别扩大等问题。这一波经济体制改革有其合理的一面，但被西方媒体蒙上意识形态的色彩。美国在中东地区推行的民主化改造受挫。一个国家的民主政治建设，需要符合本国的国情，才会有成效。