中国对外人道主义援助的特点和问题

近年来,中国对外援助规模不断扩大,在国际援助体系中发挥的作用日益显现,并随之引起了国际社会的广泛关注和争议。人道主义援助作为中国对外援助的重要组成部分,在原则、方式和管理等方面有其自身特点。当前,国内外学者对中国对外援助的研究很少区分发展援助和人道主义援助,且主要集中于发展援助的研究,缺乏对人道主义援助的专门关注。本文在梳理中国对外人道主义援助的发展脉络,分析其在援助原则、规模确定、管理机制和援助方式等特点的基础上,探讨存在的问题并提出应对之策。     

日本对印尼的援助和直接投资的相互作用

一、日本援助的新趋势 和其它主要捐赠国一样,国家本身的利益始终是日本提供国际援助的主要动力。然而长期以来这种国家利益的重点已逐步从促进贸易(即出口)转移到促进资源开发、技术贸易以及后来服务于政治和安全目的,到最近几年,再演变为提高其国际地位的考虑。当然,人道主义的考虑仍在日本对外援助中起着重要作用,事实上,它是除对国际社会的相互依存的认识之外的日本对外援助的另一个公开的原则。可是,这种人道主义的考虑实际上只是日本对外援助的互惠原则中一个比较次要的部分。这个互惠原则是基于日本的下述观     

《西方国际关系理论思潮》专题之七 新干涉主义

在20世纪即将结束之际,美国和北约以人道主义援助为借口打出了“新干涉主义”旗号,对南联盟进行了长达78天的军事打击,从而严重冲击了国际法体系和国际关系准则,恶化了世界政治形势,激化了国际矛盾,对国际安全形成严峻挑战。 一、新干涉主义“新”在何处 新干涉主义并非当代国际政治领域中的新生事物,而是历史上“人道主义干涉”的翻版。从本质上讲,新干涉主义与二战后出现的各种旧的人道主义     

国际人道主义援助发展演变:源流、内涵与挑战

人道主义援助已成为当代国际社会及国际关系的重要内容。自然灾害、人为冲突造成的人道危机导致人道需求不断增加,保守主义和民粹主义的抬头,以及经济下行等都对国际人道援助的发展前景构成挑战。本文从历史视角,结合关键历史事件、援助范围、援助行为体变化及相关规则制度的出现,系统分析国际人道援助发展的源流及其内涵特征,并认为国际人道援助体系及内涵经历了一个从狭义到扩展又重新收窄的过程。现阶段人道援助内涵因民粹主义泛起又呈现回归狭义援助的回缩趋势。因此,对国际人道援助发展演变的回顾反思有助于更好地理解现阶段其所面临的挑战及困境。     

国际社会对朝鲜发展援助探寻

国际发展援助对于援助国来说通常被作为实现国家利益的对外政策工具,而对于受援国来说,发展援助可以为本国经济建设和社会发展提供诸多帮助。因此,发展援助对于援助国和受援国双方的经济发展都具有相当积极的意义和作用,是一种具有互利和双赢效益的国家间经济合作方式和国际关系模式。根据朝鲜的要求及现实需要,国际社会对朝援助正由人道主义援助向发展援助转变。国际社会对朝发展援助目标是促进朝鲜经济、政治、社会发展,援助领域将更多地集中在基础设施建设、农业和提高行政管理能力等方面。在此过程中,需要解决如何筹措对朝援助巨额资金、如何提高对朝援助透明度和效率等课题。     

无国界医生组织

无国界医生组织(Medecines Sans Frontieres,简称MSF)是专门从事医疗援助的人道主义非政府组织,1999年获得诺贝尔和平奖使该组织在国际上声名鹊起,从而确立了其在国际医疗卫生领域的地位。值得关注的是,该组织对人道主义原则和行动的诠释,揭示了世界人道主义领域发展的一些变化。     

欧盟对外医疗援助

长期以来,欧盟及其成员国一直是世界上最大的对外发展援助提供者,在人道主义援助方面更是表现突出.根据欧盟2015年最新统计数据,在2014年全球总计216亿美元的官方人道主义援助金中,欧盟国家出资占比超过1/3.①对外医疗援助是欧盟人道主义援助的重要组成部分,既是欧盟帮扶发展中国家的直接窗口,也是欧盟对外发挥影响力、体现自身软实力的重要途径.本文在介绍欧盟对外援助的主要机构和合作机制基础上,探讨其运作方式以及主要做法,以为中国开展对外医疗援助提供借鉴.     

韩国对朝人道主义援助及其政策

为了帮助朝鲜救灾,帮助朝鲜民众安度生活,韩国自1995年朝鲜受灾起开始对朝鲜进行人道主义援助,迄今已历15年有余。2000年以来,在金大中政府的"阳光政策"、卢武铉政府的"和平繁荣政策"引导之下,韩国对朝援助在深度和广度上都比以前有明显的进展。但是,朝鲜的粮食供应状况始终未能得到改善,并且朝鲜还在2006、2009年先后进行令韩国担心的两次核试验。为此,时至李明博政府时期,韩国对朝鲜在以前实行的包容政策上有所后退,转向实施以实用主义外交为中心的强硬政策,韩国对朝人道主义援助因此逐渐削减。     

日本对东南亚的官方发展援助

日本官方发展援助的地域重点 1980年,日本把直接官方发展贷款(日元贷款)扩大到20个国家,双边赠款援助增加到59个国家,还向大约81个国家和15个国际组织提供技术援助,培训来自93个国家和16个国际组织的受训人员。然而,从地理上看,该年72％的日本双边官方发展援助集中在五个东盟国     

新干涉主义

在20世纪即将结束之际，美国和北约以人道主义援助为借口打出了“新干涉主义”旗号，对南联盟进行了长达78天的军事打击，从而严重冲击了国际法体系和国际关系准则，恶化了世界政治形势，激化了国际矛盾，对国际安全形成严峻挑战。     

Relief agencies and moral standing in war: Principles of humanity,neutrality, impartiality and solidarity1

The article explores the moral difficulties for international humanitarian workers operating as third parties in war zones. The main part examines current usage of the terms 'humanity', 'neutrality', 'impartiality', and 'solidarity', as they are used in the discourse of humanitarian operations. The article then considers the psychological implications for relief workers of operating as noncombatant third parties in war. Finally, the article recognises that a range of different positions is both inevitable and desirable in a given conflict, but concludes by emphasising the responsibility of any third-party relief organisation to be transparent in its position and to preserve rather than distort traditional humanitarian principles and language. It ends by recommending concerted support for international humanitarian law and its possible reform as the best way to focus the current debate about the place of humanitarianism in war.     

Coordinating post-disaster humanitarian response: lessons from the 2005 Kashmir earthquake,India

This article is based on a field study carried out in Indian-administered Kashmir after the 2005 earthquake. In this analysis of how non-governmental development organisations (NGDOs) engage and coordinate with one another and with other disaster response agencies during post-disaster relief and rehabilitation operations, it can be concluded that NGDO coordination was ineffective. The research points out that, even though there is coordination among the international and national NGDOs, local NGDOs are seldom engaged in the overall coordination processes. The paper advocates developing coordination among the humanitarian agencies as a pre-disaster initiative for a more effective collaborative humanitarian disaster response.     

中国参与联合国国际减灾合作问题研究

联合国为各国政府参与国际减灾合作提供了一个良好的平台,在协调人道主义救灾援助、转让减灾技术、促进国际交流、促进减灾框架与气候框架挂钩等领域开展减灾合作。中国作为联合国常任理事国和负责任的大国,将努力推进由联合国主导的国际减灾合作,进一步提升中国的防灾减灾能力和国际影响。     

The ‘responsibility to protect’ in natural disasters: another excuse for interventionism? Nargis Cyclone,Myanmar

The ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P) places the ‘international community’ under an obligation to take coercive action for the protection of lives in the circumstances of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Following the dismal response to the May 2008 cyclone disaster in Myanmar where many affected people were provided with almost no relief assistance by the country's military regime that also hampered external assistance, the idea of military humanitarian intervention under the rubric of R2P was proposed by Bernard Kouchner. However, considering the urgency of the provision of relief assistance in an emergency, which is often a matter of life or death, this paper questions the effectiveness of invoking R2P as a possible response strategy in the aftermath of natural disasters. Therefore, in relation to state sovereignty the paper focuses on the concept of ‘humanitarian diplomacy’ at macro and micro levels as an alternative strategy and having analysed the issue in the wider framework of humanitarianism, the paper concludes with the importance of exploring the opportunities provided by humanitarian diplomacy before invoking R2P in the context of natural disasters.     

Dissolving the difference between humanitarianism and development: The mixing of a rights-based solution

The conventional (but false) dichotomy between humanitarianism and development, hitherto grounded in the perceived differences between international humanitarian law and international human rights law, respectively, is not merely unhelpful in practical terms but also serves to diminish our understanding of the shared issues underlying the two discourses. There are welcome signs, however, of a growing recognition that all development and relief work is essentially rights-based, and of efforts to integrate thinking and practice under one common set of principles.     

Food insecurity and ART adherence in Swaziland: the case for coordinated faith-based and multi-sectoral action

ABSTRACT

Faith-based organisations (FBOs) have long been involved in HIV and AIDS impact mitigation and humanitarian relief, but most are not equipped to intervene in the structural drivers of food insecurity and attendant health inequities. Acknowledging limitations is as paramount a task for organisational effectiveness as maximising strengths. This article reports findings from a study of HIV-positive care supporters who volunteer with a church-run home-based care organisation in Swaziland. The article seeks to assess the impact of chronic food insecurity on antiretroviral adherence practices and how these individuals manage daily food shortages. Findings highlight the limited capacities of FBOs in highly vulnerable settings and the imperative for international and governmental coordination.     

Forgotten Conflicts: Need versus Political Priority in the Allocation of Humanitarian Aid across Conflict Areas

Despite a principled commitment to assist people in need equally, the allocation of humanitarian assistance across conflict and post-conflict states shows remarkable variation that is not easily explained by differences in the level of recipient-need. This paper attempts to explain these “forgotten conflicts“ by analyzing the determinants of humanitarian aid to civil war and post-civil war states. Using cross-national panel data on humanitarian aid provisions, I show that the most important determinants of international humanitarian assistance are not always demand-side factors measuring humanitarian need – as the principals of humanitarian action would dictate – but often strategic factors that reflect donors’ political interests in providing humanitarian assistance. Although humanitarian aid to ongoing civil wars appears to be substantially more humanitarian than strategic in its allocation, humanitarian aid provided to post-conflict states in the aftermath of civil war tends to go to conflicts where donors perceive important strategic and political interests. These results suggest that one important explanation for why some conflicts are essentially ignored or gradually neglected over time is that strategic interests of donors can dominate humanitarian concerns over time.     

The politics of emergency and the demise of the developing state: problems for humanitarian advocacy

This article discusses humanitarian advocacy in the contemporary world within the wider crisis of political vision. Humanitarian advocacy over the past 15 years, drawing attention to how crises have been precipitated by state policies, has sought international intervention to protect people. It has consequently become associated with challenging the national sovereignty of the developing state. The author contends that the weak state is the problem, and suggests that the existing paradigm of humanitarian advocacy helps to legitimise the erosion of equality among sovereign states and the reassertion of international inequalities.     

Humanitarian Emergencies and the International Criminal Court (ICC): Toward a Cooperative Arrangement between the ICC and UN Security Council

Erratum . International Studies Perspectives 6:4, 431-466
This article analyzes the role of humanitarian intervention in bringing together the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the UN Security Council. It argues that a framework for cooperation between the ICC and Security Council is needed to facilitate a coordinated response to humanitarian emergencies. One of the concepts explored is a mutual legitimacy push, or how the ICC and Security Council can lend effective assistance to one another when responding to humanitarian emergencies. Such a push will not only serve to enhance a response to humanitarian disasters but also close the "critical gap" between the moral legitimacy of international humanitarian action and the legality of the UN Charter. The article concludes that a cooperative relationship will not politicize the ICC, and that the ICC and the Security Council, can, through institutional re-engineering, achieve mutual political benefits.     

When Humanitarianism Matters: Liberalism and the Termination of Strategic Commitments

For all of the recent advances in the study of humanitarian norms in international relations, the prevailing sentiment remains that human rights are subordinate to other interests, especially strategic, in great power foreign policy making. This article seeks to lay the foundation to qualify this extant pessimism. It does so through a study of strategic commitments. Focusing specifically on security assistance in Latin America during the Cold War, this study assesses when and how humanitarian norms are most likely to lead democratic states to terminate these types of pledges. In so doing, it contributes to the growing literature on democratic commitments, furthers our understanding of non-governmental organization influence on international politics, and, most importantly, lays the theoretical basis for better assessing the extent to which humanitarian norms frame relationships between democracies and strategic partners.