论契合新时代要求的中日关系机制建构与协调

中日邦交正常化五十年来，中日两国在逐步形成经济相互依存关系的同时，也维持和发展了相对稳定的政治关系，成为维护东亚地区和平与稳定的重要因素。中日关系的稳定与发展，在很大程度上得益于中日双边关系机制的建构与维护。在近年来中日两国共同应对新冠肺炎疫情的过程中，中日关系机制建构的基础得到丰富和巩固，原则与路径也进一步明确和优化。在当前中日关系发展面临新的方向选择之际，重新审视构建契合新时代要求的中日关系机制这一重要课题，对探索中日关系的长期稳定与发展具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

国家利益与战略视野——关于中日关系的调研与思考

经由两国总理互访,中日关系实现了"破冰"和部分"融冰",中日确立战略互惠关系引起了世界的关注。中日关系进入新的阶段,其深层因素包括:中日关系是世界上最具复合性的双边关系;中日两国同时呈现强势;中日关系进入心理角力阶段。经济相互依赖是中日关系的基础,也是中日关系稳定和发展的动力。建立经济高层对话机制是中日两国构筑战略互惠关系在经济方面的具体落实。     

21世纪中日关系的新现实和前景分析

本文通过分析冷战结束以来中日关系的现状和影响中日双边关系的一些长期性因素，认为中日双边关系处于史无前例的“两强并立”的新现实中。中日关系从整体上看是危机不断增大，相互防范逐步成为中日关系的主流。如果日本的发展与对中国的遏制相联，对中国的遏制与和美国结盟与纵容台独势力相联，则中日之间的对立不可避免。为防止在对抗中两败俱伤，中日双方应该接受新现实，培养共同利益，在一个整合的东亚范围内，促进中日两国关系的良笥发展，在合作中实现职日两国的共同繁荣。     

中日关系中的环境合作：减震器还是引擎

本文从中日关系角度考察中日环境合作的演变及其作用。从环保角度看，过去30年的中日环境合作成效显著，但在中日关系大框架下的地位并不突出，处于技术层面，外溢效益不明显。环境合作对中日关系的影响主要表现为减震器的作用，减弱中日关系紧张和对立带来的震荡，使之处于可控的范围。当前中日环境合作面临难得的重大机遇。如果双方能抓住机遇，中日环境合作可望成为中日关系的主要领域和新的战略纽带，对双边关系的发展发挥显著的推动作用，实现从中日关系的减震器到引擎的重大跨越。     

中日关系分析与展望

当前中日关系的特点是经济联系密切,政治、安全互信不足,这是双边关系中的积极因素和消极因素的矛盾结果,但主流是合作。中日关系前景有三:经济关系密切,安全信任不足;经济关系密切,安全互信增加;经济关系萎缩,安全形势对立。近期将保持现状。中国对日目标是发展与日本的睦邻友好合作关系,当前应推动中日关系向建立密切的经济合作和政治、安全互信方向发展。     

中日战略互惠关系发展与前景分析

日本民主党上台执政后，表现出重视东亚及对华友好姿态，使进一步深化中日战略互惠关系，夯实相关内涵，丰富其外延成为各界看好的选择。然而，日本政局突变，并于9月7日发生中国渔船与日本海上保安厅巡逻船在钓鱼岛海域相撞事件，中日关系陷入极端尴尬的境地，该事件凸显中日战略互惠关系基础的薄弱，使人对未来的双边关系担忧，如何进一步发展中日战略互惠关系成为重要议题。     

新世纪中日关系发展的基本趋势

中日关系是我国对外关系中的重要方面 ,也是当今东北亚国际关系中的重要双边关系之一。中日邦交正常关系化以来的近 30年 ,两国在各个领域的交流与合作取得了显著成果 ,双边关系的健康发展为新世纪两国的进一步友好往来奠定了坚实的基础。在两国关系不断发展的同时既存在着许多有利的条件 ,也有不容忽视的不利因素 ,这为判断、预测新世纪中日关系的发展趋势提供了重要的客观依据。因此 ,新世纪初期两国关系将在友好合作与竞争摩擦并存状况中得到发展。     

东亚区域合作与中日关系

中日邦交正常化40年来，中日关系的发展始终与东亚区域合作紧密相关，两国在地区战略上的协调或冲突始终是影响两国关系的一个关键因素。20世纪70、80年代中日关系在互利性地区战略结构内取得了高速发展；冷战结束以后日本追求“政治大国”战略，使历史问题对中日双边关系产生消极影响，但由于地区合作中主要是美亚矛盾，中日两国矛盾不太突出；随着中国的崛起，中日在东亚区域合作的战略选择上分歧增加。建立地区合作与战略协调是建立持久稳定的中日关系的必要保障，然而，美国重返亚太则使中日在地区层面的合作面临更为严峻的挑战。     

新时期的中日关系

中日两国有2000年友好交往的历史，同时也有近百年战争创伤的历史。1972年中日邦交正常化以后，双边关系经历了70年代侧重强调友好和80年代经济合作迅速发展等不同发展阶段。90年代以来，随着国际形势的变化，中日之间的问题和摩擦日益突出，两国关系进入了友好合作与种种摩擦并存的新时期。值此中日邦交正常化25周年之际，认真思考新时期中日关系的新特点，以及世纪之交的中日关系应该如何向稳定、健康的方向发展等问题，更加具有特殊意义。     

从战略高度定位中日关系

随着中、日两国交往日益频繁,联系日益广泛以及各自的发展变化,双边关系中暴露出来的问题似乎也越来越多。出于对这些问题的不同解读,学界对中日关系的未来也出现了程度不同的疑虑。近一个时期来出现的范围广泛的“中日关系之辩”现象,可谓此种心理的具体映射。为了使问题的讨论进一步深化,也为了中日关系有一个更好的未来,“《现代国际关系》专家论坛”与中国现代国际关系研究所“日本学术周”承办单位东北亚室合作,于2003年10月10日以“中日关系的未来”为主题,在万寿山庄举行为时一天的研讨会。与会学者、专家本着理性、求实的精神,对涉及中日关系未来发展的多方面问题进行了热烈、深入的讨论。现将与会代表的发言整理发表,期望对您理解和把握中日关系的走向有所裨益。     

中韩建交20年:取得的成果与面临的课题

2012年是中韩建交20周年,也是"中韩友好交流年",这样一个对两国关系发展具有承前启后作用的关键时期,有必要对20年的两国关系发展做一认真总结与反思。建交以来,中韩双方增进友好、深化合作是大势所趋,人心所向,符合中韩两国人民的共同利益,也给两国人民带来了实实在在的好处,这是中韩关系的主流。但两国关系还存在诸多"矛盾多发区",也确实存在着一些障碍性因素,应该引起两国的高度重视,切实采取相应的措施,以中韩建交20周年为契机,推动中韩关系沿着健康的轨道更上一层楼。     

When Do States Say Uncle? Network Dependence and Sanction Compliance

In this article we address the long-debated question of when and why states comply with sanctions. While the literature remains indeterminate as to whether the key mechanisms driving sanction compliance are tied to interstate relations, intrastate constraints, or a dynamic combination of the two, our theoretical framework and methodological approach provide a novel perspective that incorporates insights drawn from network theory to explain the time until countries comply. Specifically, we argue that reciprocity, a concept with deep roots in both network theory and international relations, has largely been overlooked in the study of sanction compliance. Though often ignored, this concept captures an essential aspect of how cooperation is fostered in the international system and allows us to better analyze the strategic environment underlying sanctioning behavior. Given the theoretical importance of reciprocity in understanding interstate relations, we provide an approach that integrates estimations of this type of network interdependency into extant frameworks for modeling the time until countries comply with sanctions. Our results highlight that reciprocity not only has a substantive effect in explaining the duration of sanctions but that models excluding this concept from their specifications do notably worse in terms of their predictive performance.     

Members of Parliament: Equal Competitors for Media Attention? An Analysis of Personal Contacts Between MPs and Political Journalists in Five European Countries

Power relations between politicians and journalists are often depicted as an ongoing tango with one actor leading the other. This study analyzes interactions between politicians and journalists not by posing the question of who leads whom, but rather by investigating which politicians are invited to dance in the first place, and which are better positioned to take the lead. Building upon theories and past research into press–government relations, comparative politics, and an economic perspective on journalist–source relations, three groups of hypotheses on a personal, party, and political system level are derived and tested using a unique survey with members of parliament (MPs) in five democratic corporatist countries (Belgium, The Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, Denmark). The results display a similar pattern in all five countries where parliamentary experience and institutional position increase the frequency of contacts that MPs have with journalists. While these party variables have a more modest influence on the frequency of contacts, it is also shown that there are clear differences between countries attributed to parliament size in general and higher inter-MP competition in particular.     

International representations of Balkan wars: a socio-anthropological approach in international relations perspective

This article introduces the socio-anthropological concept of international representations to examine the relationship between a civilizational rhetoric, the West European and the international politics of otherization and containment of Southeast Europe, and an essentialist and timeless bias in international relations theory, including both radical and constructivist trends. We first explore the different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars from the beginning to the end of the twentieth century. Their subsequent problematization is aimed at challenging the way they have constructed commonplace and time-worn representations, which international society shares with different consequences in international affairs. This is a limited conception since international representations as a socio-anthropological concept are always socially, culturally and politically constructed, contested and negotiated. They do not neutrally refer to a reality in the world; they create a reality of their own. Moreover, this limited conception ignores the fact that how, by whom and in whose interest international representations are constructed is itself a form of power in international relations. Therefore, the way international representations are constructed can be problematized as an example of political and ideological projects that operate in the West as well as in the Southeast European countries that are the object of Western foreign policy.     

试论战后日苏关系的特点

战后日苏关系是影响东亚地区国际关系格局的一对重要的双边关系,同东亚地区其他国与国之间的双边关系相比战后日苏关系具有十分明显的特点;既有战胜国与战败国之间关系的特点,又有冷战中相互对立阵营中的主、配角之间的关系的特点。从地缘政治上看,日俄虽然是东北亚的邻国,但是由于历史的、现实的、经济的、文化的原因,两国关系又更多地表现出欧亚国家关系的特点。日苏两国在意识形态、社会制度和主流政治文化上存在很大的差异,因此,战后日苏关系又呈现出社会主义国家和资本主义国家关系的特点。     

英国与阿根廷的南极关系考察（1942-1961）

在20世纪中期,英国和阿根廷由于南极领土主权问题引发了两国在南极地区的冲突。到了20世纪50年代末,两国在南极事务中的关系逐渐从冲突走向合作,并与其他国家共同签订了维护南极和平与稳定的《南极条约》。两国在南极冲突的主要原因是这一时期由于经济关系的削弱和地缘政治上的角逐所导致的两国关系的恶化。之后两国从冲突走向合作,总体上是两国政治关系的改善以及美国与苏联因素的影响,还在于只有相互合作才能最大限度地维护两国的利益。两国在南极事务中的关系对之后的马岛战争、北极问题都产生了很大影响,而对中国的南极政策也有一定启示作用。     

Managing the mixed economy in Central and Eastern Europe: Democratic politics and the role of the public sector

The central argument of this article is that the introduction of democracy and the transition to a market economy in Central and Eastern European countries is producing contradictory and even perverse effects on these societies. These effects are enlarging the micro‐macro paradox of politics and inducing political instability. Instead of focusing on the economic problems or institutionalizing democracy only, it is argued, one should elaborate more fully the relationship between democratic decision‐making, societal needs and wants in civil society and the public organization of policy‐making. In this article an attempt is made to conceptualize these relations by using the principal/agent approach. In addition various models of welfare capitalism and public sector management are discussed and their implications for East European countries. The main conclusion is that the model of the ‘mixed economy’ is not only appropriate, but also that it contributes to a better understanding of the present problems of democratization in this part of the world. In particular the role of the democratic principal and the position of public agents appear to be crucial.     

浅析近年来日本对东南亚的能源外交

印度尼西亚、马来西亚和文莱是东南亚石油与天然气等能源储藏量较为丰富的国家,而日本是石油与天然气等能源资源极为缺乏的国家。长期以来,东南亚是日本开展对外经济关系的重点地区。为减少能源进口来源地过度集中的风险,日本在已有与东南亚国家传统关系的基础上,不断拓展对东南亚地区能源富产国的外交。     

转型后俄乌两国经济联系探析

苏联时期俄罗斯与乌克兰两个加盟共和国间的经济联系是一个有机的整体，苏联解体后，俄乌转变为两个相互间有着内在紧密联系的独立国家。由于乌克兰特殊的地缘经济政治地位，与欧洲经济一体化也同样是乌克兰优先发展的对外政策，在政治因素的影响下两国在能源、农产品和军工领域的合作进程发展缓慢。从长远来看，发展两国间的内在经济联系，促进两国间多领域合作是符合两国经济发展共同利益的方向。     

Negotiating Russian Federalism: A Simulation for Comparative Politics

While the use of simulations in the international relations classroom has proliferated over the past decade, this pedagogical tool has been largely neglected in the comparative politics classroom. Simulations in comparative politics can be a useful component in teaching students about the diversity within foreign countries and the dynamic of domestic policymaking. We describe here an informative and easy-to-run simulation on Russian federalism which can be integrated into courses on Russian politics or easily adapted for use in other courses, especially those focusing on countries in which center-regional relations are an important dimension. The simulation is based on the Russian Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian Federal Assembly, and is a great way to illustrate through experiential learning the quid pro quo of Russian federalism. We provide detailed information on English-language sources that both instructors and students can use during the simulation, along with an Appendix and a Website that provides everything instructors need to run the simulation in their own classes.