澳门特区行政授权制度改革探讨

行政授权制度在澳门由来已久,其承袭自澳葡政府,而来源于葡萄牙行政制度。澳门特区的行政授权制度内容包括授权原则及条件、授权主体及资格、授权内容及程序等方面。虽然行政授权制度有利于行政主导制的实施以及政府权力的集中统一与平稳运作,却也导致权力的集中化与人格化、行政程序缓慢以及官员问责困难等问题。而行政授权制度的改革需要确立以法定职权取代授权的原则,并制定统一法律规范司、局级机构据位人管理性权力,重整现有授权法律制度,从而形成统一的行政权力配置法律制度。     

唐代百济移民祢氏家族墓志相关问题研究

西安市长安区郭杜镇已出土可以确定为唐代百济移民祢氏家族的四合墓志。其中作为百济第三代移民祢仁秀墓志文,证实其祖父祢寔进在唐罗联军进攻百济过程中起到了决定性作用,祢仁秀的叔祖祢军墓志文中出现＂日本＂两字,将现有墓志史料所见＂日本＂两字提前了二十余年,祢仁秀的父亲祢素士墓志文清楚记载了祖父祢寔进墓志中不曾记载的内容。至于文献中出现的祢植到底是祢寔进还是祢军？祢寔进为什么最终行薨莱州黄县？四合墓志中涉及祢氏家族祖先问题如何理解？依据现存史料记载,本文均给予了可以自圆其说的解释。百济移民祢氏家族墓志的公布,对于唐代百济移民史、古代东北亚国家关系史研究,均可起到重要的推动作用。     

近代日本宪法学中的国体论流变

近代日本的国体论包括神国思想、尊皇思想和伦理道德,与宪法解释密切相关。在明治、大正、昭和3个时期的主流宪法解释中,国体论发生流变,从纯粹法理上的天皇主权到日本独有的皇室尊严、忠君爱国等国民性,政治神学与伦理道德持续侵入世俗性权力体系,天皇拥有与日本民族永久同在、无可变更的统治权,而国民主体性则在此过程中逐渐被消解掉了。国体论在与宪法解释的互动变化中,最终也成为了法西斯统治的关键道具。     

日本专利侵权损害赔偿数额计算的理念与制度

专利侵权救济的实效性在很大程度上取决于侵权损害赔偿数额算定的司法判断。日本在此问题上,通过修法后近二十年的发展,从实体到程序形成了较为妥当的制度架构,并在鼓励创新与抑制侵权方面提供了科学性的评价标准。更为重要的是从理念上突破了传统侵权行为法以"损害填补"为唯一功能的桎梏,通过损害赔偿制度探寻最佳抑制将来侵权行为发生的可能性,而包括权利人实际损失、侵权人所获利益、许可使用费合理倍数在内各种损害赔偿计算方法统一服务于抑制侵权行为的制度目的。     

日本战后动漫角色商品化的探索与实践

日本战后动漫角色商品化是在美国迪士尼角色商品化模式影响下发展起来的,尤其是由大众传媒发展、角色版权授权、角色商品系列开发等所带来的动漫产业链条的拉长,以及丰厚的利润回报,为日本动漫从业者以及动漫企业开辟了新的经济增长点。日本战后动漫角色商品化发展也进一步明确了以授权为主的市场交易机制,并以丰富多样的商业实践,奠定了日本动漫产业的发展基础。同时,日本战后动漫角色商品化发展也与当时社会需要相呼应,并为首要目标群体——儿童消费者广泛接受,这也为日本动漫产业的快速发展提供了社会基础与发展空间。     

美国专利法改革述评

近年来,由于专利授予数量和专利诉讼案件的激增,美国国内要求进行专利改革的呼声迭起。美国两党议员自2005年以来已经连续三次向国会提交《专利改革法案》。法案提议修改的内容主要有先申请原则、损害赔偿的计算方式、创设专利授予后的异议程序、设立专利审判和上诉委员会等几个方面。改革法案的提出,引起了美国企业界、各州及各种利益团体的广泛关注和激烈辩论,引发了人们对美国专利制度的深层次思考。     

日本经济政策不确定性和经济衰退

文章利用Baker等发布的日本经济政策不确定性指数研究了日本经济政策不确定性的特征。日本经济政策不确定性具有明显的"政党色彩"——经济政策不确定性与日本频繁的政治选举密切相关。此外,日本经济政策不确定性持续时间较长。基于日本泡沫经济破灭后的数据,发现经济政策不确定性对最终需求具有显著的负向冲击。从而验证了经济政策不确定性本身是导致衰退的重要驱动力,这为解释日本经济在泡沫经济破灭后长期处于衰退提供了新的解释。     

欧洲专利一体化的最新进展——拟议中的“统一专利法院”述评

自第二次世界大战以来,欧洲各国一直在探索专利一体化的道路。通过制定《欧洲专利条约》、《欧洲共同体专利条约》,并设置欧洲专利组织等方式(EPO)实现了欧洲专利申请制度的一体化。然而,欧洲专利诉讼仍由各国法院根据本国法审理,由此引发出"同案不同判"、"同案不同罚"以及诉讼费用高昂等各种问题,为欧洲专利制度的统一及其功效的发挥设置了诸多障碍。欧洲统一专利法院的设立解决了上述问题,实现了欧洲专利审判的一体化,对欧洲经济发展、企业竞争力提高都有很大的帮助,对于我国企业从事欧洲贸易和政府探索建立专门化的知识产权审判法院都有着重要的借鉴意义。     

近世日本对明代兵书与善书的理解接受问题刍议

明末清初,明代思想文化典籍陆续传入日本,逐步对近世日本思想文化产生影响,本文概述明代兵书与善书对近世日本的影响。兵学思想方面,戚继光的《纪效新书》、《练兵实记》等一批明代兵书于这一时期传入日本并流入民间,成为这一时期日本知识分子的一个重要思想来源。一些民间知识分子开始解读、研究戚法中"节制"等重要概念与选兵、练兵的做法,并在此基础上开始了兵制改革的思考。明代善书在近世日本社会传播过程中,其中的佛教、道教思想与日本神道思想发生了冲突,民间知识分子在介绍传播善书时,运用日本的传统信仰与习俗重新解释善书,善书由此逐步为日本民众接受。研究明代思想文化在近世日本社会传播普及的历史,可以重新认识近世日本在理解与接受明代思想文化过程中进行选择、重新解读与吸收融合的史实。     

日本的流通渠道系列化研究

流通渠道联结生产和消费,是企业产品或服务传递给最终用户的通道。在日本特有的社会、经济背景下,制造企业形成了流通渠道系列化的运作与管理体制,成为日本企业市场营销运作中最具特色的部分。而家电行业是日本流通系列化的典型行业。研究和探讨日本企业渠道系列化的形成及运作与管理的独特作法,对我国企业在当前激烈的市场竞争中加强渠道的建设与创新具有积极的借鉴意义。一、日本对流通系列化的各种解释及特点日本对“流通系列化”这一术语的内涵有各种不同的解释。从法律学角度出发的研究,认为对流通系列化就是制造商对于自己商品的销售,…     

Arab Socialism and Ecumenical Tendencies in Egypt 1962–1970

During the 1960s in Egypt, a group of intellectuals and publicists with left-leaning tendencies sought to base their socialist views on Islamic principles by reading early Islamic history as a repository of heroes and villains to fit their model of Arab socialist society. Beyond political aggrandizement of Nasserism, this article claims that these intellectuals described Islam as socialist, which led them in unexpected directions. First and foremost, such study led several to make surprising claims regarding the leaders of early Islam that ipso facto brought them closer to the Shi?i view of this formative period of Islam. Rather than merely translating socialism into Islamic terminology, these scholars imbued early Islamic history with fresh and revolutionary meaning. The process of making Islam more relevant to twentieth-century Muslims meant re-examining age-old rivalries, which had the potential to change the relations between Sunni and Shi?i Islam dramatically.     

Deliberative democracy and the politics of traditional leadership in South Africa: A case of despotic domination or democratic deliberation?

A heated debate developed in South Africa as to the meaning of ‘deliberative democracy’. This debate is fanned by the claims of ‘traditional leaders’ that their ways of village-level deliberation and consensus-oriented decision-making are not only a superior process for the African continent as it evolves from pre-colonial tradition, but that it represents a form of democracy that is more authentic than the Western version. Proponents suggest that traditional ways of deliberation are making a come-back because imported Western models of democracy that focus on the state and state institutions miss the fact that in African societies state institutions are often seen as illegitimate or simply absent from people's daily lives. In other words, traditional leadership structures are more appropriate to African contexts than their Western rivals. Critics suggest that traditional leaders, far from being authentic democrats, are power-hungry patriarchs and authoritarians attempting to both re-invent their political, social and economic power (frequently acquired under colonial and apartheid rule) and re-assert their control over local-level resources at the expense of the larger community. In this view, the concept of deliberative democracy is being misused as a legitimating device for a politics of patriarchy and hierarchy, which is the opposite of the meaning of the term in the European and US sense. This article attempts to contextualise this debate and show how the efforts by traditional leaders to capture an intermediary position between rural populations and the state is fraught with conflicts and contradictions when it comes to forming a democratic state and society in post-apartheid South Africa.     

Reconstructing Indigenous ethnicities: the Arapium and Jaraqui peoples of the lower Amazon, Brazil

In Latin America, indigenous identity claims among people not previously recognized as such by the state have become a key topic of anthropological and sociological research. Scholars have analyzed the motivations and political implications of this trend and the impacts of indigenous population's growth on national demographic indicators. However, little is known about how people claiming indigenous status constructs the meaning of their indigenous ethnicity. Drawing from sixty-four indepth interviews, focus-group analyses, and participant observation, this article explores the double process of identity construction: the reconstruction of the Arapium indigenous identity and the creation of the Jaraqui indigenous identity in Brazil's Lower Amazon. The findings reveal six themes that contribute to the embodiment of a definition of indigenous identity and the establishment of a discursive basis to claim recognition: sense of rootedness, historical memory, historical transformation, consciousness, social exclusion, and identity politics.     

Campañas negativas en las elecciones 2000 y 2006 en México

This article explores the nature of negative campaigns that were held in both 2000 and 2006 Mexican presidential elections. The purpose is to establish that the generalized use of negative campaigning concurs with the development of two unusual electoral processes: the transition of the State party into an opposition party (2000), and its consolidation as government (2006). Based on the theoretical claims of Shiv (1997), Lau (1999), and Finkel (1998), the author describes the development of negative campaigns in those elections that represented the starting point and the presumed consummation of the use of this kind of campaigns. With journals’ documented records and the monitoring of tv spots of both elections it is established that the 2000 presidential election used negative campaigns based on decrying the official party, while the 2006 election resorted to negative tv spots.     

China's Creative Industries: Copyright,Social Network Markets and the Business of Culture in a Digital Age

This article analyses the decline of Japanese labour unions and their struggles for revitalisation from a power resources perspective. It demonstrates first that the power resources of labour unions declined in the neo-liberal political process of labour-market deregulation as a result of lower union density, the intensified conflicts of interest among unions and their reduced access to policy-making. Although this situation induced labour unions to change their interest representation to some extent and organise an increasing number of non-regular and marginalised regular workers, the article claims that they are still concerned about protecting the vested interests of regular workers in large companies and their efforts to organise non-regular and marginalised regular workers have been insufficient. In addition, although community unions have aimed to organise these workers extensively, their human and financial resources are too small to do so and revitalise the labour movement.     

Ist Durkheims Religionsverständnis mit dem Glauben vereinbar?

Does Emile Durkheim’s sociology of religion pose a challenge to the faithful? Durkheim said no in debate with contemporary non-believers and believers, portraying religion not as mere illusion but as consisting in moral forces that command, comfort and strengthen the faithful, forces generated and regenerated within them by the collective effervescence of rituals. Thus empowered, the faithful imagine in symbolic form “the society of which they are members and the obscure yet intimate relations they have with it”. Durkheim’s answer is shown to have three components: a critique of naturist and animist “error theories” of religion; a method of “deep interpretation”, uncovering the reality beneath the symbolism; and an explanation of why the meaning of religion thus interpreted should have been for so long unacknowledged by the faithful. It is argued that, in principle, they can, on certain assumptions, accommodate his sociology of religion. But this, in turn, makes key assumptions and claims that have been seriously questioned: notably, that “religion” names a unified phenomenon and that Durkheim’s definition captures it. Recent revised “Durkheimian” accounts of religious thought and practice are considered, accounts that abandon these assumptions and also his “social realism”, while seeking to preserve his insights. It is argued that these too need not directly challenge religious belief in the way that the cognitive science of religion does.     

Gender, Parties, and Support for Equal Rights in the Brazilian Congress

This article analyzes a dataset of policy views of members of the Brazilian Congress to assess the nature of support for genderrelated policy issues. It makes three core claims. First, liberal and progressive opinions on gender correspond to party membership more than to sex. Left parties have consistent and programmatic policy positions on controversial gender issues. Women and men are more divided, as are parties of the center and the right. Second, coalitions supporting change differ across policy issues. Support for gender quotas, for example, does not translate into support for more liberal abortion laws. Third, there is a large gap between legislators' attitudes toward gender-related policy and actual policy outcomes. Institutional deadlock and executive priorities explain this discrepancy. This article concludes that although women may share some interests by virtue of their position in a gender-structured society, these interests may be trumped by partisan, class, regional, and other cleavages.     

The Political Implications of Russia's Resource-Based Economy

Abstract

A political economist explores the question of Russia's “resource curse.” He analyzes the links between resource wealth and politics, asking why resource-based economies are more likely than others to suffer from poor governance. In an investigation grounded in the political economy literature on the resource curse, several specific claims about the nature of politics and governance in resource-based economies are identified. Russia's recent experience is assessed in relation to those claims.