Comparing employment policy governance regimes in Canada and the European Union

This article assesses the performance of Canada's employment policy governance regime post‐1996 by explicitly comparing Canadian approaches to those used in the European Union (EU) through the open method of coordination (OMC). It concludes that Canada has moved so far along the decentralization continuum — with 13 provincial systems as well as a federal‐only system in place — that coordination, coherence, mutual learning and information sharing on a pan‐Canadian basis have been lost. While EU OMC approaches hold promise, to be realized stakeholders would need to become more engaged in the policy domain and provinces, rather than the federal government, must take the initiative for enhanced coordination.     

“Where there's a will …”: Reforming postsecondary education in Canada's and the European Union's decentralized systems

The Bologna Process that created the European Higher Education Area is an elaborate open method of coordination (OMC)‐type process involving the member states, interested parties, social partners and experts. It is the product of the incentives of the actors who created and who sustain it; it embodies a purpose. Is such a process relevant for policy making on postsecondary education in the Canadian federal system? One would need to know if there is a compelling vision, objective or anxiety that motivates the key actors.     

“In the shadows of hierarchy”: Intergovernmental governance in Canada and the European Union

The articles in this issue suggest that intergovernmental governance takes a different form in Canada and the EU, raising questions about the transference of practices and institutions from one to the other. In both systems, non‐hierarchical modes of governance provide coordination in social policy. Hierarchy also plays a role, though not in a manner that one might expect. In the EU, hierarchy is tempered by members' direct participation in policy formulation. In Canada, hierarchy is important, but within rather than between governments, resulting in executive dominance of the intergovernmental process at the expense of devolving power to civil society and sub‐provincial governments.     

Networked learning in complex policy spaces: A practitioner's reflection on the open method of coordination

Open method of coordination (OMC) mechanisms have not gained much acceptance in Canada in spite of evidence that they could improve policy making and implementation. In Canada, “learning,” in particular at the political level, occurs somewhat differently from how it was envisaged in the intellectual underpinnings of the OMC because of the ethos of intergovernmental relations. The provinces, territories and the federal government might, however, improve policy learning by approaching the process in a somewhat different fashion while still benefiting from the European experience. The market for learning may exist less at the level of governments and more at a localized practitioner level. Canada may benefit from taking an indirect approach to the issue and creating institutional arrangements that will allow civil society groups to engage in mutual learning more easily.     

La subsidiarité en droit européen et canadien : Une comparaison

The principle of subsidiarity, one of the most important in European Union (EU) law and entrenched in the EU treaties, has recently entered the constitutional discourse in Canada thanks to some Supreme Court decisions regarding division of powers. After a brief overview of the intellectual history of subsidiarity, this article offers a comparison of how subsidiarity has been dealt with by the Supreme Court of Canada and by the European Court of Justice. The ultimate goal is to see what lessons Canada can draw from the EU's longstanding experience with subsidiarity, particularly in the ambit of social policy.     

Extending the realm of health policy with a “new public health” approach: A comparative look at the Canadian and Swedish national experiences

Abstract: Modern health‐care systems in OECD countries were built around hospitals and the preferences of organized medicine and are largely focused on acute‐care services and services provided by doctors. Starting in the early 1980s, however, the professionalization in several countries of trades traditionally involved in health promotion, together with the constitution of a group of researchers in social epidemiology and the corresponding development of specialized schools and research centres, brought new actors into health policy‐making worldwide. This led to the extension of contemporary health policy beyond the post‐war bio‐medical model into population health promotion and social policy. This article describes and analyses the means (and limitations) used by Canada and Sweden for extending the action radius of health policies. Results show that national policies in health promotion beyond the health sector contributed above all to developing and legitimizing an official discourse that presents social problems as factors affecting social inequalities in health. Health promotion represented a tool for maintaining central social norms, as national governments were re‐defining their role in social policy. Sommaire: Les systèmes modernes de soins de santé dans les pays de l'OCDE ont été construits autour d'hôpitaux et des préférences de la médecine organisée et sont essentiellement axés sur les services de soins intensifs de courte durée et les services médicaux. Cependant, depuis le début des années 1980, la professionnalisation des métiers traditionnellement impliqués dans la promotion de la santé survenue dans plusieurs pays, associée à la constitution d'un groupe de chercheurs en épidémiologie sociale et le développement d'écoles et de centres de recherche spécialisés ont introduit de nouveaux acteurs dans l'élaboration de politiques en matière de santéà l'échelle mondiale. Cela a entraîné une transformation de la politique de la santé contemporaine, qui a dépassé le modèle biomédical d'après‐guerre pour s'étendre à la promotion de la santé de la population et à la politique sociale. Le présent article décrit et analyse les moyens utilisés par le Canada et la Suède pour étendre le rayon d'action des politiques de la santé et les limites auxquelles ils font face. Les résultats indiquent que les politiques nationales visant la promotion de la santé au‐delà du secteur de la santé ont contribué avant tout à développer un discours officiel qui présente les problèmes sociaux comme des facteurs ayant une incidence sur les inégalités sociales de la santé. La promotion de la santé a représenté un outil pour maintenir des normes sociales nationales, alors que les gouvernements centraux redéfinissaient leur rôle en matière de politique sociale.     

Partners in clime: Public‐private partnerships and British Columbia's capacity to pursue climate policy objectives

Governments are increasingly using public‐private partnerships (P3s) to draw the private sector into more active participation in infrastructure development. Climate action initiatives have not typically yielded profitable results for the private sector, and might therefore constrain the placing of conditions by governments on P3 arrangements. This article investigates a major P3 infrastructure project in British Columbia – the Canada Line extension to Vancouver's urban rail transit network – and concludes that the P3 organization did not constrain the government's capacity to pursue policy objectives for climate action. This counterintuitive result occurred because public sector leadership enabled an effective engagement with environmental policy priorities.     

Sending mixed messages: gender-based analysis and the “status of women”

Sommaire: Adoptée en 1996 en tant qu'élément clé de la stratégie du gouvernement libéral fédéral visant à promouvoir l'égalité des femmes, strategie énoncée dans Ouvrant la voie au siècle prochain: le plan fédéral pour l'égalité des sexes, l'analyse basée sur le sexe a été conçue pour favoriser la formulation et l'évaluation des politiques selon une perspective qui tient compte du sexe. Ce processus est un début, mais cet article examine les limitations de l'analyse basée sur le sexe. Il soutient qu'en mélangeant les objectifs d'égalité des femmes à ceux de l'égalité entre les sexes, le Plan fédéral et l'analyse basée sur le sexe sèment la confusion chez ceux qui formulent les politiques lorsqu'il s'agit de savori comment incorporer des mesures qui tiennent compte des réalités sociales et économiques propres aux femmes. Cette confusion découle des contraintes conceptuelles et de l'étroitesse du terme «sexe», étant aggravée encore par la capacité organisationnelle limitée qu'a Srtatut de la femme canada pour mener et coordonner une solide analyse basée sur le sexe. Abstract: Unveiled in 1996 as one of the key components of the federal Liberal government's wider strategy to promote women's equality, outlined in Setting the Stage for the Next Century: The Federal Plan for Gender Equality, gender-based analysis was devised to facilitate the development and assessment of policies from a gender perspective. While acknowledging that weaving gender into the policy process is a beginning, this paper examines the limitations of gender-based analysis and argues that given the intermingling of women's equality goals with gender equality, the Federal Plan and gender-based analysis are sending mixed messages to policy developers about how to incorporate into policy-development measures that attend to women's specific social and economic realities. These mixed messages derive from the narrowness and conceptual constraints of the term gender and are exacerbated by the limited organizational capacity of Status of Women Canada to effectively lead and coordinate substantive gender analysis.     

Shifting scales of governance and civil society participation in Canada and the European Union

This article compares how the role and place of civil society groups in multilevel governance have evolved in Canada and the European Union (EU). It argues that, while the scope for engagement of organizations in the EU has broadened, it has been increasingly narrowed in Canada, to the extent that the policy process may be undermined. The article concludes with some insights from the EU experience in order to revive policy coordination in Canada as a governance technique.     

Explaining the resurgence of Métis rights: Making the most of “windows of opportunity”

Characterized as “Canada's forgotten people” since their defeat in the 1885 Battle of Batoche, the Métis have recently re‐emerged on Canada's policy agenda. How did the Métis, once vilified as traitors of Confederation, come to re‐position themselves as a rights‐bearing Aboriginal group in the Canadian federation? In this article, we apply John Kingdon's (1995) multiple streams model to help explain the resurgence of Métis rights on Canada's contemporary policy agenda. We argue that the changing legal and political landscape that surrounded Canada's crisis of unity provided a window of opportunity that allowed Métis policy entrepreneurs to bring the issue of Métis rights onto Canada's policy agenda.     

Policy trade-offs in “home care”: the Ontario example

Abstract: As Canada enters the twenty-first century, its highly prized program, medicare, is undergoing radical transformation. With technological change and the restructuring of health systems, the locus of care is shifting from institutions to the home. As a result, care that was formerly publicly financed under the Canada Health Act is technically becoming de-insured. This paper analyses the reform of community-based long-term care services in Ontario from 1985 to the present. During this period, three different parties, the Liberals, the ndp and the Progressive Conservatives, in turn, formed the government. Four different models were put forward before the current model was adopted by the current pc government. Each of these models is analysed with respect to design decisions that must be made in the policy dimensions of financing, delivery and allocation and evaluated in terms of equity, liberty, security and efficiency. Underlying the debate in Ontario was a fundamental disagreement about the role of government, reflected in views about the responsibilities of individuals and their families, and the appropriate place of for-profit organizations within a publicly funded system. The reform of this sector has significance that goes beyond its boundaries, with wider implications and warnings for health care in general. Sommaire: Au moment même où le Canada se trouve au seuil du vingtième siècle, son très populaire régime d'assurance-maladie subit une transformation radicale. À cause de l'évolution technologique et de la restructuration du systéme de soins de santé, le fardeau de ces soins se déplace des institutions vers les foyers. Par conséuent, des soins auparavant financés par les deniers public en vertu de la Loi cana-dienne sur la santé deviennent techniquement non-assurés. Dans cet article, on analyse la réforme des services ontariens de soins à long terme axés sur la communauté, de 1985 áG ce jour. Pendant cette période, trois partis differents, les Libéraux, les Né-démocrates et les Progressistes conservateurs ont formé le gouvernment à tour de rôle. Quatre modèles différents ont été préconisés avant l'adoption du modèle actuel par le gouvernement progressiste conservateur qui est aujourd'hui au pou-voir. On y analyse chacun de ces modèles quant aux décisions conceptuelles á faire pour les politiques de financement, de prestation et d'allocation, et chaque modèle doit être évalué en termes d'équité, de liberté, de sécurité et d'efficacité. À l'arrièreplan du débat, en Ontario, il y avait un désaccord fondamental sur le rôle du gouvemement, que reflétaient les opinions concemant la responsabilité des citoyens et de leurs familles ainsi que sur la place appropriée des organismes à but lucratif à au sein d'un système financéà même les derniers publics. La réforme de ce secteur a des répercussions non seulement sur le secteur hi-même mais aussi sur les soins de santé en général.     

“Of secretaries to princes”

Abstract: An enduring issue of public administration is the ability of our political leadership to implement an agenda and to master events. This question has acquired new urgency in Canada and the United States with the publicity given to personnel problems in the offices of the prime minister and leader of the opposition, and with the role of the White House staff in the Iran-Contra affair. Using examples drawn from the author's past position as principal secretary to Prime Minister Trudeau, the article argues that: (a) it is possible to prevent the urgent from overwhelming the important but only if a strategic plan is adopted; (b) to implement such a strategic plan it is necessary to have a highly competent, partisan personal staff; but (c) we are in danger in Canada of blurring the lines between a partisan Prime Minister's Office and our tradition of a neutral public service. Such a blurring will impede the attempt to develop a strategic prime ministership. Sommaire: Nos chefs politiques peuvent-ils mettre en oeuvre un programme politi-que et exercer un contrôe sur les événements? Cette question, qui revient constamment en administration publique, a pris une acuité particulière au Canada et aux ÉtatsUnis depuis la publicité qui a été donnée aux problèes de personnel dans le cabinet du premier ministre et dans les bureaux du chef de l'opposition, et au rôle qu'a joué le personnel de la Maison Blanche dans le scandale de l'Irangate. Utilisant des exemples tirés de son expérience alors qu'il était secrétaire principal auprès du premier ministre Trudeau, l'auteur soutient: (a) qu'on peut éviter de faire passer les questions urgentes avant les questions importantes si on adopte un plan stratégique; (b) qu'il est nécessaire pour mettre en oeuvre ce plan stratégique de s'entourer d'un personnel compétent et partisan, mais (c) qu'au Canada, nous courons le risque que la ligne de démarcation entre un cabinet du Premier ministre nécessairement partisan et une Fonction publique neutre, comme le veut la tradition, soit floue. La confusion qui en découlerait nuirait au développement de fonctions stratégiques au bureau du premier ministre.     

Comparing accountability relationships between governments and non‐state actors in Canadian and European international development policy

This article examines the alignment of different governance arrangements and alternative accountability mechanisms in international development policy making in Canada and the European Union (EU), with a particular focus on relationships between governments and non‐governmental organizations. The Canadian case illustrates an entrepreneurial mode of governance that aligns with fiscal auditing and performance management mechanisms, while the networked governance model of the EU relies more heavily on accountability instruments of public reporting and deliberation. The article concludes that the European accountability regime likely provides policy makers with more opportunities for social policy learning but would be difficult to implement in Canada given the underlying action logic of the federal government.     

Social welfare and decision-making in the public sector†

Abstract. This paper is an examination of the important issue of measuring social welfare. The first part of the paper shows that the traditional quantitative methods of socio-economic evaluation may give society misleading answers about the impact of public policy and achievement of social objectives. Social indicators as an approach to policy evaluation are discussed in the second section and their relation to the Economic Council of Canada's ‘goal indicators’ is examined. The paper concludes with a brief comment on how social indicators may complement existing traditional socio-economic measures. Sommaire. L'auteur de cette communication examine l'importante question de la mesure du bien-être social. Dans la première partie, il indique que les méthodes quantitative traditionnelles de l'évaluation socio-économique peuvent induire la société en erreur, quant à l'effet de la politique publique et la réalisation de ses objectifs sociaux. Il examine dans la deuxième partie les indicateurs sociaux en tant que moyen d'évaluation des politiques et leurs rapports avec les ‘indicateurs d'objectifs’ du Conseil économique du Canada. Il conclut en indiquant brièement comment les indicateurs sociaux peuvent complèter les mesures socio-économiques traditionnelles.     

The governance of children with disabilities and their families: Charting the public‐sector regime in Canada

Abstract: This article discusses governance and accountability structures that relate to the contemporary agenda of inclusion for children with disabilities in Canada. Who are the major public‐sector actors in policies for children with disabilities and their families? What governance roles does the sector perform? What are the defining trends that characterize the sector in the present age? The scope of the analysis is a broad scan of structures and roles rather than a detailed inventory of programs. Three clusters of governing activities are addressed: policy planning, consultation and coordination; creating structures, allocating resources and delivering services; and accountability roles and processes. Each of the clusters is examined in relation to public‐sector organizations general to government and to organizations specific to child and family and to disability issues. The education, health‐care and social‐service sectors are profiled to identify important trends and issues in the governance of Canadian disability policy. A concern of the public sector's governance regime for children with disabilities and their families is the absence of clear, consistent and central accountability mechanisms. There is a déjà vu discourse on disability reform, a strong sense that we have been here before. Among other factors, this frustrating pace of reform is due to bureaucratic factors and weak accountability mechanisms. To overcome this déjà vu, the author calls for the adoption of a more inclusive and integrated governance regime for the disability policy domain. Sommaire: Le prdéjàsent article porte sur les structures de gouvernance et de reddition de comptes concernant le programme aduel d'inclusion des enfants handicapés au Canada. Qui sont les principaux acteurs du secteur public responsables des politiques pour les enfants handicapés et leurs familles ? Quels rôles de gouvemance estce que le secteur joue? Quelles sont les tendances spécifiques qui caractérisent ce secteur à I'heure actuelle? L'analyse porte sur un vaste ensemble de structures et de rôles, plutôt que sur un inventaire détaillé de programmes. Trois groupes d'activités gouvernementales sont étudiés:la planification, la consultation et la coordination de politiques; la création de structures, l'affectation de ressources et la prestation de services; et les rôles et processus de la responsabilisation. Chacun de ces groupes est examiné par rapport aux organismes du secteur public dépendant du gouvemement et aux organismes relatifs à l'enfance et à la famille et aux questions d'invalidité. Les secteurs de l'éducation, des soins de santé et des services sociaux sont présentés pour identifier les tendances et questions importantes dans la gouvemance de la politique canadienne sur l'invalidité. Une précupation du régime de gouvernance du secteur public concemant les enfants handicapés et leurs familles est I'absence de mécanismes centraux de responsabilisation qui soient clairs, consistants et centralisés. Ce discours sur la réforme de l'invalidité a déjàété tenu. La lenteur frustrante de cette réforme est attribuable entre autres à des facteurs bureaucratiques et à de faibles mécanismes de reddition de comptes. Pour aller au‐dellà de ce déjà vu, I'auteur sumère l'adoption d'un régime de gouvemance plus inclusif et plus intégré pour le domaine des politiques en matière d'invalidité.     

Comparing innovation strategies: Canada's Ocean Supercluster and Europe's Smart Specialisation initiatives

The Global Innovation Clusters’ Initiative (GIC) is an innovation program launched in Canada. This article aims to describe the policy, in particular its key similarities and differences with the Europe's Smart Specialisation (S3) policy initiative, and critically explore the logic behind its inception. The article reveals that although policy implementation practices are bespoke and context-specific, the need to increase coordination between different levels and sectors of policy making is acknowledged to be important for achieving both innovation and local economic development objectives.     

“Fortunate enough to obtain and keep the title of profession”: Self-regulating organizations and the enforcement of professional monopolies

Abstract: This paper establishes a framework for examining self-regulating occupations and their relationships with government, the public and other occupational groups. It then examines one aspect of this regulative bargain, the tools used by self-regulating organizations to enforce their statutory monopolies, in order to maintain jurisdictional boundaries. Evidence of these strategies was found through a review of the literature on the pros and cons of self-regulation, and legislation, regulations, and by-laws sent to the author by self-regulating occupations in Canada. The paper concludes with a discussion of trends in occupational self-regulation that may affect professional monopolies. Sommaire: Dans cet article, on établit un cadre permettant d'examiner les professions auto-r églement ées, ainsi que leurs relations avec le gouvernement, le public et les autres groupements professionnels. Ensuite, on y examine un aspect particulier de cette entente r églementaire, » est-à-dire les outils qu'utilisent ces organismes pour faire respecter leur monopole statutaire afin de pr éserver leurs frontières juridictionnelles. Les éléments de ces stratégies ont été identifiés au moyen d'un examen bibliographique des avantages et désavantages de l'auto-réglementation, ainsi que par une analyse des lois, des règlements et des statuts sociaux envoyés à l'auteur par les professions auto-réglementées au Canada. En conclusion, l'auteur discute des tendances de I'auto-réglementation professionnelle qui risquent d'influer sur les monopoles professionnels.     

“Man plans,God laughs”: Canada's national strategy for protecting critical infrastructure

Critical Infrastructure Protection seeks to enhance the physical and cyber‐security of key public and private assets and mitigate the effects of natural disasters, industrial accidents and terrorist attacks. In 2009, several Canadian governments published the National Strategy and Action Plan for Critical Infrastructure (NS&AP), a framework for governments and the owners and operators of critical infrastructure – largely in the private sector – to collaborate on the security and increased resiliency of Canada's critical assets. Drawing on the social science risk literature, audits, and a three‐year research and education project, this article argues that the strategy of relationship building, collaborative risk management and information sharing is under‐developed and limited by market competition, incompatible institutional cultures, and legal, logistical and political constraints. The NS&AP should better delineate risks and identify how governments can work with industry, and acknowledge the paradox between trust and transparency, the role of small‐ and medium‐sized enterprise, and how risk management processes can vary.     

Administrative discretion and the Access to Information Act: An “internal law” on open government?

Abstract: Canada's Access to Information Act establishes a qualified right to government information for all Canadians. However, critics complain that some politically sensitive requests ‐ often filed by journalists or political parties ‐ are given differential treatment, with longer delays and tougher decisions on disclosure. An econometric analysis of 2,120 requests handled by Human Resources Development Canada in 1999–2001 suggests that the complaints have some merit. Requests that were identified as sensitive, or that came from the media or political parties, were found to have longer processing time, even after other considerations were accounted for. The probability that such requests would exceed statutory response times was also significantly higher. The analysis illustrates a broader point: that internal bureaucratic procedures play an important role in defining what the right to information means in practice. The analysis also highlights the need to give the federal information commissioner better tools to deal with problems of delay. Sommaire: La Loi sur l'accès à l'information du Canada assure le droit à l'information gouvernementale pour tous les Canadiens. Cependant, les critiques se plaignent du fait que certaines demandes épineuses sur le plan politique ‐ requêtes souvent déposées par des journalistes ou des partis politiques ‐ font l'objet d'un traitement différentiel, avec des délais plus longs et des décisions plus strictes au moment de la divulgation. Une analyse économétrique de 2 120 requêtes traitées par Développement des Ressources humaines Canada de 1999 à 2001 laisse entendre que les plaintes sont en partie justifiées. On a constaté que les requêtes dites «sensibles», ou qui viennent des média ou des partis politiques, prenaient plus de temps à traiter, même compte tenu d'autres considérations. En outre, ces requêtes risquaient souvent de dé passer le temps de réponse légal. L'analyse illustre un point plus général, à savoir que les procédures bureaucratiques internes jouent un rôle important en définissant ce que le droit à l'information signifie dam la pratique. L'analyse souligne également qu'il est néessaire de dormer au Commissaire fédéral à l'information de meilleurs outils pour faire face aux problèmes de délai.