试论土耳其的宪法更新与民主化进程

宪法更新是土耳其现代化进程中的突出现象,土耳其共和国先后颁布了1924年宪法、1961年宪法和1982年宪法,且每部宪法又伴随着数量众多的宪法修正案,为推动土耳其民主化进程的深入发展提供了重要保障.当前,土耳其国内各派别围绕着是否颁布新宪法展开激烈斗争,而掌权的正义与发展党正在针对新宪法的出台作出一系列努力.宪法作为政治利益博弈、力量关系对比的产物,其更新对政治社会变革有着重要影响;以民主的纬度来观察宪法更新,是宪法变迁理论和实践的重大命题.本文试以土耳其现代化进程中的宪法更替为主题,论证宪法更新对民主化进程的影响,进而探讨土耳其制订新宪法的现实可能性.     

论阿富汗民主化进程及其特征

阿富汗的民主化经历了启动、发展、挫折和重启4个时期,显现出阿曼努拉国王的世俗化改革、"十年宪政"、"塔利班"的伊斯兰化实践和阿富汗战争后的民主化改革等4个民主化的高潮或低谷.历史发展进程中内外交往的复杂性外化为阿富汗民主化进程的曲折性与漫长性.由此,阿富汗表现出部族政治在民主化进程中扮演重要角色、政教关系是民主化的"晴雨表"、二元性和地缘政治对民主化的深远影响四大特征.     

全球化背景下的中东政治民主化

中东伊斯兰国家政治民主化进程在全球化的冲击下取得了一定的成就 ,在一定程度上改变了中东地区的政治面貌。由于国际局势的变化和中东国家独特的宗教、社会历史条件 ,其政治民主化进程在 2 0世纪 90年代遇到了严峻的挑战。但只要中东国家坚持和发扬伊斯兰传统文化中有利于政治民主化的合理因素 ,同时积极融入全球政治民主化大潮 ,协调好全球化与传统文化的关系 ,中东的政治民主化进程一定能继续发展。     

非洲民主化制约因素透视

非洲民主化进程受到非洲社会内外各方面因素的影响和制约。商品经济不发达使非洲政治民主先天不足;部族政治的痼疾使部族因素与政党、政权和国家等政治因素缠绕在一起;军人干政的传统对非洲政治民主化进程有不利影响;民主政治文化的缺失以及传统文化的深刻影响决定了构建民主政治的艰巨性和长期性;深度依赖国际援助以及西方援助方冷战后将发展援助政治化使非洲民主化进程深受“外力推动”的影响。非洲民主化进程必须在逐渐克服这些制约因素的基础上才能健康发展     

“土耳其模式”的新变化及其影响

凯末尔时代的"土耳其模式"是世俗权威政治的产物,其基本内涵是以现代化为目标的激进世俗主义、民族主义和西方化。土耳其历史的发展重塑并改变着土耳其模式的内涵,并形成了埃尔多安时代的新版"土耳其模式",即奉行消极世俗主义、民主化、市场经济和对外自主性,强调尊重宗教传统价值观。新版"土耳其模式"是土耳其教俗力量较量的产物,具有一定的民主政治属性,显示出土耳其伊斯兰主义温和化以及伊斯兰与民主可以相容的特点。新版"土耳其模式"为政治转型中的阿拉伯诸国提供了借鉴,并产生了示范效应。但是,"土耳其模式"乃独特历史发展的产物,是难以被复制的,它本身尚未定型,有其局限性和过渡性特征。     

拉美国家的法治与现代化

法治与现代化的关系问题是现代化理论中的重大问题。通过司法改革促进法治是当今拉美国家现代化的必然要求。在法治与政治的关系方面,法治为政治的有序运转提供保障,拉美国家正在通过司法改革推进政治的现代化和民主化。法治与政治互动反映出各国政治发展不同阶段的两种情况:司法政治化和政治司法化。在暴力和独裁逐渐远离政治的现代化进程中,法治必将发挥更大的作用。法治与政治的良性互动有利于现代化的推进。     

印度尼西亚政治整合的实践进程与效绩评析

独立建国以来,印度尼西亚的政治发展经历3个主要阶段。与此相联系,可以把该国的政治整合实践进程概括为3个时期:建国初期苏加诺通过凝聚意识形态共识、推进民主制度转换等方式进行国家政治整合的早期基础性实践,而军队在国家政治生活中作用的提升为苏哈托军人政权的建立写下伏笔;随后,官僚威权体制得以确立,苏哈托通过"双重职能"提升军队地位、限制政党政治发展、领导经济建设等方式进行威权政治整合实践,该实践带有鲜明的聚合性、自主性和脆弱性;及至后苏哈托时代,印尼进入民主政治转型时期,其政治整合实践路径也随之转换为民主政治整合。在该国政治民主化改革取得巨大成绩的同时,其政治民主化进程中的深层问题也得以暴露。目前印尼在政治整合方面还有非常繁重的任务要去完成,政治整合效绩对国家未来发展至关重要。     

公民文化的构建与俄罗斯政治发展

自俄罗斯启动民主化改革以来，其政治发展进程受到了学界的普遍关注。公民文化的构建对于俄罗斯政治制度的完善及传统政治文化的现代化都将发挥重要作用。但是，俄罗斯目前带有权威主义色彩的政治现状，无疑对其构建公民文化提出了挑战。     

非洲:全球化还是西方化

与世界其他地区相比 ,全球化对非洲的冲击更明显。对非洲而言 ,全球化实质上就是西方式的政治民主化和经济自由化。在非洲的全球化进程中 ,西方因素起着重要的作用。西方发达国家及其所掌握的国际机构利用“援助”力压非洲国家在政治、经济诸方面作出符合西方意愿的“改革”。在政治方面 ,西方的压与诱是促使非洲政治民主化的主要外部原因 ,然而 ,一旦非洲国家实行了政治民主化 ,却不一定能够得到援助 ,在非洲 ,西方式的政治变革常常是不受欢迎的。在经济方面 ,由于西方国家规定的改革模式收效不佳 ,也招致非洲国家反对。非洲的全球化反对者寄希望于联合国的帮助及非洲区域政治经济的振兴     

再论东南亚国家的民主化与政治发展:若干重要因素分析

在《东南亚国家的民主化与政治发展 :现状与趋势》一文 (载《东南亚》 1999年第 3期 )中 ,我们分析了冷战以后尤其是东南亚金融危机以后这一地区各国的政治发展和民主化问题。本文将在此基础上 ,较为深入地探讨影响东南亚政治发展尤其是民主化进程的一些重要的因素 ,尤其是内部因素。我们认为 ,东南亚的政治发展之所以呈现多元化和多样化 ,民主政治虽有发展但却不平衡是因为有多种因素的影响。未来东南亚国家的政治发展和民主化进程 ,仍将是诸因素影响、整合的结果。一、从总体上看 ,在走出“两极格局”的冷战后时期 ,不再存在东南亚各国在…     

老挝对外开放的环境分析

2004年11月15日,老挝国家主席发布主席令正式颁布鼓励外国投资法、开始实施对外开放以来,老挝先后通过《投资法》、《劳动法》、《土地法》及《管理货币和货币流通法》,采用对外开放方式吸引外资或者发展对外经济。自此,老挝对外开放和经济发展翻开了新页。对外开放政策的实施是老挝政治、经济、社会变化的结果,也与老挝人民革命党审时度势的政治态度、与时俱进的政治理念和政治决策密切相关。     

Who Can Reform the Labor Market? IMF Conditionality,Partisanship, and Labor Unions

Labor market reforms are critical for economic growth. Yet, they are politically contentious, and governments, more often than not, are faced with strong opposition from interest groups. Scholarly work shows that governments often rely on external intervention to implement politically difficult reforms. This is the case with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that typically conditions its financing on the implementation of required reforms. Do borrowing governments benefit from IMF programs to overcome domestic opposition to reform by organized interests? Utilizing a unique new data set on IMF conditionality, I show that partisan and electoral concerns and domestic alliances strongly affect the implementation of labor market reforms, even when the IMF imposes them. When faced with increasing number of strikes, left-wing governments are more likely to implement labor market reforms than center/right-wing governments. However, the left is less likely than the center/right to fulfill its international commitments during election years when labor groups are militant. These findings highlight the left’s unique ability to form pro-reform coalitions and the IMF’s conditional role in removing domestic political opposition to reform. Counter-intuitively, right-wing governments still struggle to reform the labor market, even during economic crises and under IMF programs.     

Capital Account Liberalization,Financial Structure,and Access to Credit in Latin America

This article revisits the question of whether capital account liberalization improves access to credit by advancing and testing a theory of how the structure of the financial sector shapes the willingness and ability of banks and governments to repress the domestic financial sector. In a highly concentrated financial sector, banks and governments are more willing to reap the benefits of financial openness by suppressing liberalizing reforms to domestic financial policies, and they can also better coordinate with one another to stifle these reforms compared to when the financial sector is diffuse. Using a panel dataset of Latin American and Caribbean countries, I find that capital account liberalization leads to a decrease in loans to private firms and households and an increase in loans to governments and state-owned enterprises when the financial sector is highly concentrated. Only when the financial sector is diffuse does capital account liberalization lead to reforms in entry barriers, directed credit programs, and banking sector supervision, which extends to improved access to credit for private firms and households.     

Party prohibition cases: different approaches by the Turkish constitutional court and the European Court of Human Rights

The article deals with the different approaches followed by the Turkish Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in party prohibition cases. The Turkish Constitution and even more so the Law on Political Parties contain a long list of party bans, the violation of which leads to the closure of the party by the Constitutional Court. The Turkish Constitutional Court, both under the 1961 and the 1982 Constitutions, interpreted these provisions in an exceedingly illiberal manner, and has so far closed down a total of 24 political parties. Turkish rules and practices concerning the prohibition of political parties are among the most important ‘democracy deficits’ of the Turkish political system. In the article, the Turkish Court's illiberal approach to party prohibition cases, especially those involving the protection of the national and territorial integrity of the state and of the principle of secularism, is compared with the much more liberal criteria developed by the ECtHR and the Venice Commission.     

Decentralisation and NGO–municipal government collaboration in Ecuador

Decentralisation, or the transfer of decision-making power and funds from central to local governments, is one of the most important reform movements in Latin America. Recent constitutional changes in Ecuador have contributed to the democratisation and empowerment of municipal governments. Case studies of three municipalities in highland Ecuador examine new opportunities for NGO–municipal government collaboration. NGOs have considerable experience of working locally and can help municipalities with planning and capacity building. Municipalities offer NGOs the legitimacy and local accountability they may lack, as well as the means both to extend project activities beyond isolated communities and to maintain the results once NGO assistance ends.     

The Impact of Institutionalized Ideas in Coalition Foreign Policy Making: Turkey as an Example, 1991–2002

This study is an attempt to fill an important gap in three distinct yet closely related fields: international relations (IR), comparative politics (CP), and foreign policy analysis (FPA). On a more general level, the study examines the conditions under which domestic ideas influence foreign policy. More specifically, it investigates the role of institutionalized ideas that are represented at the highest levels of the decision-making structure in foreign policy decision outcomes. The theoretical framework advanced in this study calls for three interrelated steps to be taken in examining the relationship between ideas and state action: (1) a clear conceptualization of ideas, (2) a careful analysis of the institutionalization of these ideas, and (3) a methodological exploration of the discord among political actors who represent them. The framework proposes that coalition governments present a potential venue for analyzing and operationalizing how the "battles of ideas" at the decision-making level affect foreign policy choices. The study finds that institutionalized ideas are highly influential in shaping foreign policy choices in coalition government settings when several conditions are fulfilled. These conditions are categorized into three subheadings: (1) reasons to enter into coalition governments, (2) nature of coalition governments, and (3) characteristics of parties. The findings of this study contribute to general IR, CP, and FPA literatures on the role of ideas, coalition government foreign policy making, and comparative foreign policy. The study also contributes to the literature on Turkish politics by entering coalition policy making in Turkish Foreign Policy and showing that Turkish political parties are important actors in foreign policy making.     

Small carrots,few sticks: EU good governance promotion in sub-Saharan Africa

The European Union has developed a one-size-fits-all approach to promote good governance reforms in African countries, focusing on strengthening the effectiveness of state institutions while increasingly asking for reforms that also target their democratic quality. Assessing the EU's policies in Angola and Ethiopia reveals, however, that the implementation of this approach is more differential. While the EU has a hard time making the two governments address governance issues, it has been more successful in implementing its policy approach in Ethiopia than in Angola. These differences are largely explained by these countries' different degrees of interdependency with the EU rather than differences in stability and democracy. Unlike Angola, Ethiopia heavily relies on EU development aid, giving the EU greater leverage to push for governance reforms. While conditionality is more effective in making African governments address governance issues, it undermines the legitimacy of the EU's development cooperation, which emphasizes partnership and ownership.     

From De-Europeanisation to Anti-Western Populism: Turkish Foreign Policy in Flux

ABSTRACT

Recent Turkish foreign policy (TFP) under the successive AKP governments has seen different populist turns. A clear distinction can be made between the thin and thick populisms of TFP, based on the status of the West. The first decade of AKP rule, when foreign policy was thinly populist, was characterised by steady de-Europeanisation, increasing engagement with regional issues and a decentring of Turkey’s Western orientation. The turn toward thick populism has been characterised by anti-Westernist discourses in which the West is resituated as the ‘other’ of Turkish political identity.     

试析土耳其文官政治与军人政治的博弈——基于正义与发展党的执政实践

军人在土耳其历史文化中占据重要地位,曾经通过3次军事政变推翻民选政府,并通过还政文官政府使土耳其沿着凯末尔主义的方向前进。正义与发展党上台后,尽管文官政府和军方极力维持脆弱的平衡关系,但双方在权力争夺、加入欧盟、库尔德问题、复兴伊斯兰文化等方面分歧重重,争端不断。文官政治和军人政治博弈的结果说明了土耳其的军人政治逐渐让步于文官政治,军人干政在可预见的将来很难再发生;尽管世俗主义和伊斯兰主义之间的斗争仍很激烈,但已逐渐趋于理性;正义与发展党"保守的民主"模式获得民众的普遍认可,将为中东诸国提供一种民主发展的范式。     

Building a U.S.-Soviet working relationship

Conclusion The crucial determinant of U.S. and Soviet security, and the security of the world, will not depend on technological development, breakthroughs in deterrence theory, or even on agreements the two countries might sign at the summit talks. The future depends on whether the two governments are able to work together.Both the United States and the Soviet Union have developed procedures for solving conflicts with other governments, even former enemies, without hostilities or threats of force. The essential difference between these relationships and the U.S.-Soviet relationship lies not in the degree of difference in cultural heritage or security interests, but in the way the two governments approach their problems—through consultations and dispute resolution procedures, or through conflict and recrimination.The process of interaction is the essence of a working relationship. It means the difference between hostile confrontation and constructive collaboration, between fear and security, between war and peace. The summit meeting provides an opportunity to change the nature of the relationship, to change the focus of U.S.-Soviet interaction from antagonistic bargaining over divisive issues to constructive collaboration on possible solutions and working procedures. Roger Fisher is Williston Professor of Law at Harvard Law School and Director of the Harvard Negotiation Project, 523 Pound Hall, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Mass. 02138.Scott Brown is Associate Director of the Harvard Negotiation Project.