对新世纪我国离婚态势的法律思考及展望

近年来,我国离婚率直线上升,据统计中国人口的离婚率,1980年为0.7％,到1995年增至1.8％,15年间,离婚率上升了近3倍,1997年,全国离、结婚对比率高达13％左右。从世界范围看,中国结离婚比例还是最低的。在美国,自1968年以来,离婚率每年增长为11％,纽约等大城市离婚率已高达50％以上。当今的日本,每四对夫妻中就有一对离婚,平均每3分钟就有一宗离婚案发生。　　有人担心我国离婚自由的立法主张,过于宽松会鼓励社会离婚率的增加和导致婚姻家庭的不稳,这不能说一点影响没有,但离婚自由主义(即无过错离婚法)的好处大大多于可能产…     

试谈深圳的离异女性

对外开放，经济高速发展，给深圳人家庭生活带来了一定的负面影响，特别是给人们的婚姻带来了新的波动。尤其是深圳剖分家庭的裂变，产生了离异女性群落，并由此带来了种种令世人关注的社会问题。一、深圳市的离婚率逐年升高，协议离婚所占比重越来越大。女性首先提出离异己过半数，离异女性“强弱”两极占多数，近两年复婚率猛升。深切市离婚率逐年上升。离婚率从1986年的7.47％到1993年已上升为11．11％，升幅提高3．64％，预测1994年离婚率仍将呈上升趋势。协议离婚所占比重破来越大。1986年协议圄婚已占圄婚总数的56．98％。协议圄婚率…     

马克思恩格斯婚姻观的后现代解读——以我国80后离婚为例

马克思恩格斯主张婚姻要以爱情为基础,并且肯定婚姻的本质是一种伦理关系,同时主张离婚自由,但是反对轻率任性的离婚,如果婚姻已经死亡不得不离婚则务必做到最低伤害原则。我国80后的实用主义婚姻观、离婚率偏高、闪婚闪离婚姻稳定性低、极端婚姻悲剧增多呈现出反传统、反理性的后现代特征。离婚是婚姻的安全阀,但需审慎用之。     

广州市841户单亲家庭子女教育问题的调查

广州市家庭教育研究促进会 近年来,随着改革开放和经济建设的发展以及人们婚姻观念的变化,离婚现象不断增加,据我市有关部门统计,我市1985年离婚对数为1982对,1990年上升到4317对,比1985年增长了2.2倍。随着离婚率的提高,单亲家庭越来越多。根据越秀区十所小学和市属八所中学统计,1983年与1991年比较,单亲家庭的学生数的百分比分别从1.25％、2.15％上升为     

对我国离婚问题的探讨

“离婚率上升是社会进步的表现。” “好人不离婚,离婚不正经。” 社会上对离婚问题存在着截然不同的看法。到底如何看待离婚问题?目前我国离婚方面的情况如何?一九八六年十月,首都六十多位法学界、司法界、社会学界的专家、学者、司法人员参加了《婚姻     

婚姻存续时间及其影响因素——对4429宗协议离婚案的实证分析

本文依据西安市碑林区婚姻登记处 1 998— 2 0 0 2年的 4 42 9宗协议离婚档案资料 ,描述出该区五年来离婚率上升的趋势和婚姻存续时间的分布状况 ,分析讨论了离婚者的离婚年龄、结婚年龄、夫妻年龄差、夫妻文化程度与婚姻存续时间的关系     

基于个人经济利益考量的低生育率之忧及化解对策

低生育率和老龄化已成为我国人口发展的长期趋势。低生育率只是问题的表现形式，我们担忧的是低生育率带来的社会经济问题。因此，应围绕低生育率产生的原因及可能带来的影响，采取针对性措施。从个人经济利益角度来考量，低生育率的原因主要有：经济发展与社会转型带来结婚意愿下降、离婚率上升；女性经济独立与女性生育工具性的矛盾；个人生活品质追求与生育负担的冲突；生育由“养儿防老”的家庭需要衍化为一种社会责任；新的法律法规倾向于尊重个体、保护个人权益，在婚姻家庭关系中导致了新的不平衡；等等。因此，应从优化人口结构、提高人口质量的角度顶层设计鼓励生育的法律政策；推进家庭劳动社会化、智能化，解决育儿、养老者的后顾之忧；构建“生育友好型”社会环境，让年轻人愿意结婚、生育；促进社会公平和社会流动，鼓励年轻人为美好生活而奋斗；完善相关法律法规，在个体利益与家庭利益之间取得平衡；减少女性生育风险，化解生育焦虑，提升女性生育意愿。     

忠诚协议无效之浅析

离婚率猛增成为这个变革的新婚姻时代的典型特点,据有关调查显示,我国现在的离婚率已经达到了13%左右,并连续七年逐年上升,而近一段时间出现的新的社会现象,例如闪婚、闪离更是暴露了我们这个时代婚姻的不稳定性和矛盾性。为了增加婚姻的稳定性,增强男女双方的安全感,越来越多的人选择签订忠诚协议,这个看起来更合乎契约的本质,更能增强双方履行责任的合同形式。但是,签订忠诚协议就真的能为爱情保驾护航吗?关于忠诚协议的效力一直都是理论界争议的焦点。     

韩国拟严管国际婚姻将对涉外婚姻者进行条件审查

据悉,韩国政府将严厉管理国际婚姻,以降低日益剧增的国际婚姻离婚率。韩国法务部近日敲定的《出入境管理法修订案》,将于3月7日正式生效,主要内容包括,明确制定办理婚姻签证的标准、实行国际婚姻离婚熟虑制等。韩国将对想娶外国新娘或嫁给外国丈夫的韩国公民,进行经济能力、离婚经历等具体条件审查。希望通过明确制定相关的条件和标准,建设更加健康的家庭文化。(译文)     

解读《婚姻法》解释三

离婚财产的分割一直是当事人之间、法院判决纠纷比较多的棘手问题。为了更好、更正确解决离婚纠纷,维护社会稳定和家庭和睦,最高人民法院出台了《关于适用〈中华人民共和国婚姻法〉若干问题的解释(三)》,其中在亲子关系确认、婚内财产分割、房产问题等方面做出了具体明确的规定,尤其是不动产归属界定,引起了社会的高度关注。     

Families,divorce and voter turnout in the US

How large a role does the family play in civic development? This paper examines an important aspect of family influence by tracing the impact of divorce on voter turnout during adolescence. We show that the effect of divorce among white families is large, depressing turnout by nearly 10 percentage points. Using data from the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988, we demonstrate that the impact of divorce varies by racial group and can rival the impact of parents’ educational attainment, which is generally regarded as the most important non-political characteristic of one’s family of origin. We attempt to explain the divorce effect by examining the mediating impacts of parental voter turnout, active social learning, income loss, child–parent interaction, residential mobility, and educational attainment.     

Are State Marriage Initiatives Having an Eff ect ?An Initial Exploration of the Impact on Divorce and Childhood Poverty Rates

The central question addressed by this article is the effect of state-level marriage initiatives on divorce and childhood poverty rates. State divorce rates have been problematic for researchers because of variation across states in the way they are compiled. This research takes a different approach, measuring instead the prevalence of divorce rather than the number of divorces granted in a given state or year. The authors use this indicator, derived from Current Population Survey data, as an outcome measure in a test of marriage initiatives, and as an independent variable in a childhood poverty analysis. The quasi-experimental design employs time-series and cross-section regression analysis. Results show a significant negative effect from marriage initiatives on divorce prevalence, and a significant positive association between divorce prevalence and childhood poverty rates.     

FAMILY POLICIES, WOMEN, AND THE COLLECTIVE INTEREST IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA

This paper analyzes marriage and divorce reform and family planning policies in the People's Republic of China in the context of the state-defined collective interest. A theoretical examination of the contradictions between women's liberation and the Marxist defined economic and political concerns of the state shows that liberation cannot be achieved until the state acknowledges the values of social reproduction and family nurturance. The empirical discussion of recent reforms in family policies in China points to the continuing manipulation of women's interests by the state. The tendency of the PRC government to make policy based on narrow economic considerations results in the maintenance of a system in which women's special interests are exclude from the collective interest and thus denied legitimacy.     

论我国离婚制度对妇女保护的不足与完善

离婚妇女生活贫困化是世界比较普遍的问题。在我国离婚制度中没有能够很好地保护妇女的利益。本文从我国的现有离婚制度看对妇女利益保护的不足，以及探讨从保护妇女利益的角度对我国离婚制度的完善。     

The Biopolitics of Policy-Making: Medical Activism in the Century of the Brain

This article argues that advances in biotechnology and the life sciences, particularly the ongoing neuro-revolution, have changed the relationship between science and politics. Since the “Decade of the Brain” project of the 1990s, new neuroscientific terms and biological understandings of the self have given rise to what Paul Rabinow refers to as “biosociality,” that is, groups that organize around, and identify with, a specific disease or disability to lobby for recognition, better treatment options, access to resources, and, in some cases, equal rights. This biopolitical relationship between citizens and scientific experts in the policy-making process can be seen in the current debate between the neurodiversity movement and anti-autism groups over the needs of autistic people. However, this article shows that within policy discussions, both groups have been (re)constructed by competing medical discourses and illness narratives in a way that has limited their ability to voice their needs and effectively evoke policy change.     

The mysterious overvaluation of KRW in the 1990s†

Existing theories on real exchange rates predict a significant undervaluation of the Korean won (KRW) in the early and mid-1990s. The paper demonstrates why this expectation did not materialize and instead an unprecedentedly large degree of overvaluation took place. Focusing on three variables, namely, financial repression, devaluation pass-through, and policy exhibitionism, the paper examines how the unraveling of the developmental state eventually gave rise to the 1990s’ overvaluation. It argues that the policy exhibitionism of the new civilian government amplified the influence of Chaebol on monetary policies, which in turn created a strong appreciative force to KRW. It also contends that the increasing exchange rate pass-through onto the prices of imported intermediate goods explains why Chaebol did not desire to tame the excessive appreciative trend despite its detrimental effect on their exports. The paper offers policy implications for other state-led, emerging economies.     

The Political Economy of Gender: Explaining Cross-National Variation in the Gender Division of Labor and the Gender Voting Gap

Mainstream political economy has tended to treat the family as a unit when examining the distributional consequences of labor market institutions and of public policy. In a world with high divorce rates, we argue that this simplification is more likely to obscure than to instruct. We find that labor market opportunities for women, which vary systematically with the position of countries in the international division of labor and with the structure of the welfare state, affect women's bargaining power within the family and as a result, can explain much of the cross country variation in the gender division of labor as well as the gender gap in political preferences.     

白头偕老:新世纪的神话?——终身婚姻态度的代际比较研究

本研究使用对上海和兰州城乡2200个样本的抽样调查资料,从观念和行为两个层面对终身婚姻的态度进行描述。研究结果显示,尽管婚姻的不可离异性已不再为社会广泛认同,但多数人仍对离婚的负面后果表示担忧。加上人们普遍认同幸福婚姻对人生的重要意义,主流社会仍推崇白头偕老的核心价值,婚姻的神圣性、持久性仍为大多数人所敬畏、信奉,同时也是现实世界的一个无可争辩事实,而并非是新世纪的一个神话。青年人对终身婚姻失去信心和耐心的推测未被证实。回归分析验证了白头偕老的价值观对婚姻质量及其稳定性的正向作用。     

Regulation,the Regulatory State and European Politics

For the past 15 years or so, the claim of a rise of the regulatory state in Europe has been a dominant theme in public policy research. This paper critically reflects on this claim and the associated scholarship by considering four key questions. First, what is the significance of the supposed rise of the regulatory state for the state in Europe and how can this trend be explained? Second, what insights have been gained from the study of phenomena associated with the regulatory state, both in terms of EU and national levels of government as well as in terms of process and organisational understandings of policy analysis? Third, does the regulatory state represent a stable arrangement or does it suffer from its own peculiar dilemmas that fundamentally affect the nature of European states? Fourth, and finally, this article develops three scenarios – those of withering away, plodding along, and rejuvenation – for the future of the (study of the) regulatory state in Europe.     

International marriage and the state in South Korea: focusing on governmental policy

With globalization, the number of individuals traveling, working or studying abroad is rising globally, and so is the number of international marriages. However, there has been a dramatic rise in the number of ‘mail-order brides’ through matchmaking since the 1970s in the Western world and since the 1990s in several Asian countries. The so-called ‘mail-order bride’ phenomenon has become an important route for international migration, especially for gendered migration. Since official relations with China began in August 1992, the number of Korean Chinese women who came into Korea for marriage with native Korean men is about 100,000 between 1990 and 2005. The number of Japanese women who married Korean men is approximately 17,000, while the numbers of Filipino women who married Korean men is about 6000. Recently, the nationalities of these foreign wives of Korean men have expanded to include women from Vietnam, Russia, and Uzbekistan. In 2005, among a total of 250,000 foreign spouses in Korea, 160,000 of them were women. The Korean state had contributed to initiate these international marriages by importing Korean Chinese women for their unmarried rural citizens. As international marriages have become a social issue, the state tries to cope with these new issues through changing the laws and policies. Utilizing several government statistics, a nationwide questionnaire survey of nearly 1000 foreign brides with various nationalities, which was conducted in May and June 2005, and some interviewed data of foreign wives and government personnel, this paper analyzes (1) patterns and trends of marriage migration to Korea; (2) the issues and problems of foreign brides, such as their status and citizenship, economic situation, access to social security and ‘fake marriages’ issues; and (3) recent changes in governmental policies towards them. Special focus will be on what factors influenced the recent governmental action and how the ideology that ‘A married daughter is no longer a daughter ()’ is still reflected in recent policies even in today's more progressive society.