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1.
Hooghe  Liesbet; Marks  Gary 《Publius》1996,26(1):73-92
One of the most important consequences of European integrationis the multiplication of extra-national channels for subnationalpolitical activity. Territorial relations are being transformed:national slates are losing control over important areas of decisionmaking, a variety of new channels have been created for regionalmobilization, and subnational governmentsare engaged in innovative,transnational, patterns of interaction. Regions, however, donot engage in these activities equally. There is no congruencein the political role of cities, municipalities, and regionsin the European Union. On the contrary, there are enormous differencesinthe level of organization, financial resources, politicalautonomy, and political influence of subnational governmentsacross Europe. The result is the unfolding of common threadsof change against a background of persisting variation.  相似文献   

2.
Ferrazzi  Gabriele 《Publius》2000,30(2):63-85
Indonesia cast off Dutch-imposed federalism in favor of a unitarystate. Soeharto's centralization made federalism taboo in theNew Order. In the current reform period, however, the conceptis re-emerging, but federalism has yet to be discussed in anopen, inclusive, and balanced manner. Decentralization policyis focused on the district, neglecting the political demandsof the larger province. This policy is accompanied by a confusedand misleading official discourse that is consistent with theideology of power retention and maintenance of patrimonial governance.As a result of greater democratization of the polity, federalismis slowly entering official discourse. Although its prospectsin the short term remain dim, support may grow for federal principleswithin Indonesia's unitary structure.  相似文献   

3.
Although federalism is a potentially important variable in democratization,few studies explore its impact in democratic transitions andconsolidation. Scholars generally agree that federalism is quitestrong in contemporary Brazil. This study examines how and whystrong federalism reemerged in Brazil following twenty yearsof centralizing military rule. In brief, the 1964–1985military regime tried but failed to transform the state-basedorganizational structure and power base of Brazil's traditionalpolitical elite; Brazil's "transitional" electoral cycle alsoreinforced the strength of state governors. Examples are providedof how subnational actors influenced the transition processin the national government and how state based actors and interestschallenge Brazil's efforts to consolidate its democracy.  相似文献   

4.
5.
Federalism in Eastern Europe: Part of the Solution or Part of the Problem?   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
Dorff  Robert H. 《Publius》1994,24(2):99-114
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6.
Martin Brusis 《管理》2002,15(4):531-559
The article studies the impact of the European Union (EU) on the reforms of regional administration in Central and East European (CEE) accession countries. It analyzes the motives, process and outcomes of regional– or mesolevel administrative reforms in five countries—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia—considering whether the EU has shaped these reforms to a higher degree than in relation to its incumbent member states. The article finds that the EU Commission's interest in regional self–governments with a substantial fiscal and legal autonomy has provided an additional rationale and an incentive to re–create regional self–governments. Advocates of regional self–government and an institutionalization of regions in the accession countries have referred to European trends and (perceived) EU expectations of regionalization. Thus, the Commission and the preaccession framework have become catalysts for a process in which most CEE regions have already enhanced and will further increase their political salience. However, the trajectories and outcomes of regional–level reforms can be better explained by a combination of domestic institutional legacies, policy approaches of reformers and their adversaries, and the influence of ethnic/historical regionalism.  相似文献   

7.
Souza  Celina 《Publius》2002,32(2):23-48
Although there have been deep changes in the federation as aconsequence of redemocratization and decentralization, Brazilcontinues to exhibit profound imbalances among regions. Theseimbalances create contradictions and tensions in Brazilian federalism.The central problem addressed in this article is to identifythe main difficulties facing federalism, and to assess theirconsequences on the prospects of federalism should tensionscontinue unabated. Brazilian federalism has always been a meansof accommodating deep-rooted regional disparities. Althoughthere are political and fiscal mechanisms to offset some ofthe problems of regional disparities, such mechanisms have beeninsufficient to counteract a long history of uneven regionaldevelopment. Because of the country's inequalities, the capabilitiesof subnational governments to respond to Brazil's current demandsand agendas are highly uneven.  相似文献   

8.
Leach  Richard H. 《Publius》1984,14(1):9-19
The crisis in Canadian federalism is examined in its historicalcontext, with particular emphasis on regionalism, provincialand national assertions of power, the institutional framework,and intergovernmental consultation. Current problems are consideredin relation to the new Constitution.  相似文献   

9.
PAUL PIERSON 《管理》1995,8(4):449-478
Despite political scientists' growing appreciation of the ways in which institutions influence political processes, the “new institutionalism” has so far had a limited impact on the comparative study of welfare state development. This article discusses some broad issues concerning institutions and public policy by exploring the implications of one set of institutions — those associated with federalism — for the politics of social policy. Federal institutions encourage three distinctive dynamics: they influence the policy preferences, strategies, and influence of social actors; they create important new institutional actors (the constituent units of the federation); and they generate predictable policymaking dilemmas associated with shared decision-making. Comparisons between social policy development in Canada and the United States are used to demonstrate that while federalism clearly matters, how it matters will depend on the characteristics of a particular federal system and the ways in which federal institutions interact with other important variables.  相似文献   

10.
We propose a re‐imagining of Australian federalism in response to the White Paper on Reform of the Australian Federation. We acknowledge the unique nature and existing strengths and challenges confronting the Australian federation. In so doing we argue the value of listening to the history of the land in connection with its people and bringing landscape lessons into federation calculations moving forward. The distinctiveness of our federalism dreaming is distinguished from traditional calls for regionalism or regionalization.  相似文献   

11.
Christiansen  Thomas 《Publius》1996,26(1):93-116
The Maastricht Treaty provided for a consultative Committeeof the Regions to bring the European Union's "third level" intothe deliberation of legislation. It began to operate in early1994. This article assesses its creation and recent activityagainst the expectations and demands that were expressed atthe outset, looking in turn at the representative, advisory,and symbolic functions the new body can perform. What emergesis a largely symbolic body that suffers from entrenched internaldivisions and functional overreach in the absence of any realinfluence on the Union's policymaking process. The danger isa downward spiral of progressive obscurity and the frustrationof its members' aspirations.  相似文献   

12.
Homeland Security Preparedness: The Rebirth of Regionalism   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The homeland security mission has placed many new demands onthe U.S. system of federalism. The successful implementationof homeland security policy requires cooperation among all levelsof government—federal, state, and local. Regionalism offersa powerful tool for encouraging greater intergovernmental cooperationand improved homeland security preparedness. We assess the impactof regionalism on intergovernmental cooperation and the implementationof the homeland security mission in Florida, an early proponentof the regional approach. From a regional perspective, we evaluatehow intergovernmental complexity, the quality and quantity ofintergovernmental networks, and security vulnerabilities contributeto perceived improvements in intergovernmental cooperation andhomeland security preparedness. The results of a 2004 mail surveyof city and county officials suggest that regional organizationalstructures are most effective in promoting intergovernmentalcooperation and preparedness where the intergovernmental landscapeis the most complex and where security vulnerabilities are themost intense.  相似文献   

13.
This paper provides a sympathetic critique of the new regionalism—currently one of the leading debates taking place in English-speaking human geography. By unpacking the new regionalism from its dual origins in economic geography and political science, the paper engages with some of its inherent lines of weakness by: developing a critique arguing that it is inappropriate on the part of the new regionalism to neglect the role of the state in the resurgence of regions in the reconstituted capitalist space economy; exploring the accusation that the new regionalism has become enmeshed in multifaceted scalar politics and associated tangled policy hierarchies; and, arguing that, through policy-transfer programmes, path- dependency, social capital and soft institutionalism, the new regionalism has been constructed on inadequate foundations. Finally, in developing this sympathetic theoretical and methodological critique towards the new regionalism, this paper speculates on how new regionalists should actually go about ‘doing’ regional regulation.  相似文献   

14.
Afigbo  Adiele E. 《Publius》1991,21(4):13-29
The origins of Nigeria's federalism lie not in the pluralitiesof economic and geographic regions or of ethnic nationalities,but in the plurality of colonial administrative traditions imposedby the British. Different administrative traditions were especiallyevident in the Northern and Southern Regions of Nigeria. Thesetraditions produced regional rivalry and conflict that wereentrenched in the Nigerian polity by the processes of consolidationand nation-building. After independence, this regional rivalrybecame the basis for triggering the conflicts between economicand ethnic areas present in Nigeria's federal system and forcreating more states in attempts to accommodate various groupinterests.  相似文献   

15.
There is an inherent trade-off in federalism regarding representation and equity. With the devolution of responsibilities to regional governments offering increased representation, there comes the inequity of services provided by some governments and not others. However, citizens in these federations may want the best of both worlds—desiring regional control but without the regional policy variation. This tension, dubbed ‘the devolution paradox’ in a study of federal countries in Europe, was less apparent in one key group of regions—those with historic ties through language, culture, or experience. This article examines US respondents to identify whether the devolution paradox is evident in this country and looks specifically at the South, a region with long-standing distinctiveness. We find that there is evidence of the devolution paradox among the American public and that the South is indeed different.  相似文献   

16.
The recent financial and debt crisis has resuscitated the debate about European federalism – a theme that seemed not to have survived the painful constitutional adventure that ended with the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009. With the adoption of significant policy and institutional measures for tightening macroeconomic and budgetary coordination (including a constitutionally enshrined debt brake), the reforms of the monetary union have undisputedly brought the European Union further on the path towards an ever closer union. In an era where EU integration has been increasingly politicised, and Euroscepticism has been on the rise and exploited by anti‐system parties, national leaders have to face a political hiatus and respond to increased needs for symbolic and discursive legitimation of further federalisation. This is all the more crucial for French and German leaders who have brokered the main decisions during the crisis of the eurozone. Against this background, the purpose of this article is not to assess whether, or to what extent, the recent reforms of economic and monetary union have made the EU more federal. Rather, the purpose is to tackle the following puzzle: How have EU leaders legitimised the deepening of federal integration in a context where support for more European federalism is at its lowest? To elucidate this, a lexicographic discourse analysis is conducted based on all speeches held by the German Chancellor Merkel and the two French Presidents Sarkozy and Hollande, previous to, or after European summits from early 2010 until the spring of 2013. The findings indicate that federalism is both taboo and pervasive in French and German leaders' discourse. The paradox is barely apparent, though. While the ‘F‐word’ is rarely spoken aloud, two distinctive visions co‐exist in the French and German discourse. The coming of age of a political union through constitutional federalism is pictured as ineluctable, yet as a distant mirage out of reach of today's decision makers. At the same time, the deepening of functional federalism in order to cope with economic interdependence is a ubiquitous imperative that justifies further integration. The persisting gap between the constitutional and the functional vision of European federalism has crucial implications. Insofar as the Union is held responsible for not delivering successful economic policy, political leaders will fail to legitimise both functional and constitutional federalism.  相似文献   

17.
How the recent creation, re‐invention or reinforcement of regional levels of political decision making across Europe compounds political representation is one of the key issues of contemporary democratic government. Despite growing scholarly interest, the critical question as to whether the regional institutional setting has brought about distinct representational roles among sub‐state legislators has yet to be addressed. To advance research in this field, this study bridges the literature on multilevel politics and legislative studies that to date have developed in isolation. Using innovative survey data from 14 statewide and 56 regional legislatures across Europe, it provides the first comprehensive test of how the state structure affects a legislator's views on representation. The results highlight that, relative to legislators in unitary states and national legislators in multilevel states, legislators at the regional level are more constituency‐oriented. Moreover, this heightened responsiveness to constituents at the regional level is not offset by weaker collective representation operating through political parties. Beyond these findings’ immediate relevance to scholars of federalism/regionalisation and parliaments, they also speak to the wider normative debate about the quality of political representation and public policy.  相似文献   

18.
Martha Derthick is among the most influential scholars of American federalism, administrative behavior, and domestic policy making. Her work over a half century has pioneered the study of policy implementation, administrative and political relationships in federal grant programs, intergovernmental policy making, as well as the evolution of the federal system. This essay reviews her major intellectual contributions to the fields of federalism, public administration, and intergovernmental relations.  相似文献   

19.
This article evaluates the changing assessments within the British trade union movement of the efficacy of European Union integration from the viewpoint of labour interests. It argues that there has been a marked further 'Europeanisation' of British trade unionism during the 1990s, consolidating an on-going process which previous research shows began in earnest in the mid 1980s. A shift in trade union economic policy assessments has seen the decisive abandonment of the previously dominant 'naive' or national Keynesianism. While there remain important differences in economic perspective between unions, these are not such as would create significant divisions over the question of European integration per se , the net benefits of which are now generally, though perhaps not universally, accepted. The absence of fundamental divisions is evident from a careful assessment of the debates about economic and monetary union at TUC Congress. The Europeanisation of British trade unionism needs to be seen within the context of an emergent regionalism, in Europe and elsewhere. It can best be understood as a rational response by an important corporate actor (albeit one whose national influence has been considerably diminished in recent decades) to globalisation and a significantly changing political economy environment.  相似文献   

20.
Throughout the 1990s, corruption cases, policy failure and scandals tarnished Belgium's international reputation. In this article, we analyse the effect of federalism and political culture on corruption and policy failures and their impact on the likelihood of such occurrences becoming scandals. Survey material suggests that there are few differences between French- and Dutch-speakers in the perception and tolerance of corruption. We then list a number of variables that can explain corruption in Belgium and argue that the independent effect of federalism is very limited. Next we demonstrate that federalism has played a much more significant role in lowering the risk of policy failure, while at the same time creating a few new vulnerabilities. Finally, we argue that the regional political elites do not often engage in policy learning and frequently put forward federalism as the main solution to the avoidance of policy failure and scandal. In this sense, regional political elites do not seize the opportunity for policy experimentation and transfer that is generally seen as one of the main virtues of a federal system of government.  相似文献   

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