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1.
公共外交是指一国政府对国外民众的外交形式 ,它的活动手段包括文化交流项目、国际广播和互联网等 ,其主要表达形式是信息和语言。目前 ,学界围绕公共外交争论最多的是它的理论归属问题。主流国际关系理论的基本前提是国际体系的“无政府状态” ,这一状态中冲突常有而合作不常有 ,从而使以信息和语言为主导、以非行为体国外民众为对象、强调“合作度”的公共外交难以获得概念上的支持。本文认为 ,随着全球化和信息化的深入发展 ,特别是愈来愈多的学者和决策者正把国际体系定义为“信息交流空间”而不是外部无序状态 ,公共外交可以实现其理论回归 ,融入国际关系理论。  相似文献   

2.
从"进攻"到"防御"--美国公共外交战略的角色变迁   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
公共外交是指一国政府对国外民众的外交形式,即"通过情报信息和交流项目引导国外民众和舆论制造者,以提高美国国家利益和战略目标的行动."第二次世界大战后,它一直是美国对外政策和国家安全战略中的常设工具冷战期间成为进攻性的战略武器,为赢得冷战立下汗马功劳;冷战结束以后一度被打入冷宫,"9·11"事件后重新得宠,旨在解决"世界为何仇恨美国"的问题,实施对象重点放在阿拉伯与穆斯林世界,具有很强的防御性和应急性.但布什政府将"先发制人"与公共外交战略并重,发动"反恐"战争,将美国面临的挑战简单归结为与世界的沟通问题,兼之公共外交战略在操作上的文化差异,因而刚出茅庐即遇挫折实属情理之中.如何把危机公共外交转变为平时状态的公共外交战略,是今后美国政府面对的重大挑战.  相似文献   

3.
社会资本理论对公共外交具有启发意义,日本在开展公共外交的过程中,特别重视动员社会资源和构建社会关系网络以获取社会资本。在具体操作上,日本对东南亚的公共外交在对象上区分不同层次的社会资源,开展有针对性的公共外交,构筑国家间的社会关系网络。日本此举对增强国际信任、塑造良好国际形象、推进国际尤其是与东南亚各国的合作,实现其国家利益都起到了潜在的、巨大的推动作用。日本作为后起的发达国家,其处理与东南亚社会关系的经验对目前中国开展与"一带一路"沿线国家的公共外交实践具有一定的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

4.
为提高韩国国家形象和国际地位,适应国际外交环境的变化,李明博政府确立了文化外交向公共外交转换的发展战略,并通过各种途径,积极开展公共外交的实践活动,其中有许多值得我们借鉴的经验。但是,近些年韩国与中国民间关系龃龉丛生的现实,却折射了韩国公共外交进一步发展的深层障碍。如何超越障碍是韩国公共外交面临的重要课题。  相似文献   

5.
一世界化时代的外交外交、外交政策、外交竞争力的中心概念在于国家利益。外交政策是为了将国家利益最大化。为了尽可能成功有效地保障国家利益,就必须提高外交竞争力水平。所谓传统意义上的国家利益是指从国家构成要素的侧面看,首先是要确保国家的安全。即保护国家的主权、领土和国民的安全,这是国家至高无上的目标。在保障国家的主权和领土、国民安全的前提下,国家就要追求国民的生活安定和提高国民的生活福祉,以及进一步在国际体制中施加自己的影响力;建立和维持自己国家所追求的国际秩序。因此各国的外交政策就是为了极大地扩大本国的国…  相似文献   

6.
翟慧霞 《当代亚太》2012,(5):121-137,160
国际涉华民调是了解一国民众对中国看法的重要手段,一国民众的对华认知对于该国政府制定对华政策具有重要影响。基于海外民众对中国认知的特点,针对性地改善对象国民众对中国的认知,有助于提升双边关系。本文以澳大利亚洛伊国际政策研究所2007~2012年的"澳大利亚与全球"民意分析报告中的涉华部分为分析样本,对澳大利亚民众的中国观进行多角度的描述和分析,并探讨澳民众对华认知的影响因素和提升其对华好感度的建议。总体来看,随着中国的迅速发展,中国因素在澳民众全球观中所占比重越来越大,澳民众对中国的认知更趋多元和立体化。澳民众对中国发展心态复杂,借重与防范并重。影响澳民众对中国认知的因素主要有双边关系、意识形态差异以及澳媒体涉华报道等。提升澳民众对华好感度的一个重要途径是开展针对性的公共外交。  相似文献   

7.
跨国/境经济合作是当今世界贸易往来的必然选择,但是国家之间的经济合作活动往往深受政治政策的影响。不过,在世界政治形势急剧变化的背景下,传统的政治经济手段已不再像过去一样作用显著,利用"软实力"来扩大一国影响力,从而获得跨境经济效应更为符合世界新形势的要求。本文从公共外交的角度,对跨国经济合作进行分析,阐释公共外交对跨国经济合作的促进作用。研究表明,韩国在越南采取的公共外交政策主要以文化外交、企业外交以及援助外交三种外交形式来提高韩国的国家形象;韩国在越南开展的公共外交有利于两国之间的经济合作,尤其是跨境投资、跨境劳动、跨境贸易等。在分析韩国依托对越南的公共外交推进两国经济合作的基础上,开展国际经济合作视角下中国公共外交相关研究。  相似文献   

8.
两德统一后,鉴于自身实力进一步增强,德国开始在亚太地区加大外交战略部署和投入。为使国家利益最大化,德国在亚洲各国大力经营公共外交战略,特别是在冷战后经济高速增长、地缘政治地位凸显的东南亚国家。德国积极开展与东南亚的公共外交首先是出于自身经济利益的考虑,其次是想通过插手东南亚事务提升国际话语权与制衡中国影响力。德国对东南亚地区的公共外交主要表现为以下几个特点:通过履行企业社会责任传播企业文化;通过国际教育合作培养亲德人才;通过落实对外援助措施彰显大国担当。德国对东南亚开展公共外交势必对中国产生影响:加剧东南亚地区形势的复杂性;增大"一带一路"倡议推进的压力,且有可能损害中国与东南亚国家之间的战略互信。对此,中国需要借鉴德国经验,加强在东南亚的软实力建设,并注意谋划与德国有共同利益的外交活动,促进中德间的良性互动以及在东南亚各国更深层次的合作。  相似文献   

9.
从跨学科的视角出发研究公共外交,公共外交既有其国际政治的特征,又有其国际传播的特征。世界主要公共外交强国在进行这项活动的时候,往往是以国家利益为主体,借助新闻传播手段取得了巨大的效果。本文主要就公共外交的主要模式进行了研究:首先梳理了公共外交研究的主要模式演变,试图探索公共外交的学科框架构建;其次结合公共外交实例,根据不同的传播目的,对公共外交的传播模式进行了归纳,将其划分为修复模式、建构模式、影响模式、渗透模式和颠覆模式,并对每一种模式的传播主客体关系、传播渠道、传播过程以及传播效果的有效性进行了分析。  相似文献   

10.
"文化外交"是国际文化关系的一部分,指一国政府主导下的、以实现某种战略意图为目的的对外文化活动。法国是最早有意识地将文化手段付诸外交目的的国家之一,也是最重视、最善于开展和运用文化外交、并形成了显著特点的一个国家。本文将对法国文化外交的历史演变、主要特点和政策工具做一个系统的阐释,以期通过这一个案来展示当代西方国家在外交实践中打"文化"牌、利用"文化"软实力优势扩大自身影响、谋求国家利益的战略意图。  相似文献   

11.
This paper introduces a special issue on the social and political impact of new information communications technologies (ICTs) in Asia, with specific attention paid to new social media. This paper provides some contextualisation of the broader questions that the principal literature on the subject raises, namely questions about the effectiveness of ICTs as tools for mobilisation and information exchange; mechanisms of censorship and control; and the nature of public discourse on the Internet. In doing so, the paper introduces and locates the articles that comprise this special issue within these debates.  相似文献   

12.
This article addresses the relationship between the size of media markets and content diversity online. In the Baltic countries, the Internet offers new channels with a greater diversity of information; at the same time, the increasing presence of hybrid discourses (PR-based news, promotional writing) on online media channels is creating an illusory impression of news diversity: the same sources and the same story frames are dominating online. The authors argue that new concepts (quality of information processing, media literacy) need to be taken into account to adequately assess online journalism professionalization (the changing identities and functions of journalists) in a small country.  相似文献   

13.
This paper provides a narrative account of the Swiss environmental foreign policymaking process by former Swiss government officials and links their observations to relevant foreign policy and international relations theories. It provides background information on the broader context for sustainable development contained in the new Swiss Federal Constitution and suggests how realigning government, economy and society on the new Federal Constitution can help to promote sustainable development domestically and through multi­lateral channels.  相似文献   

14.
Rural internet use, although still limited, is growing, raising the question of how rural people are using social media politically. As a vehicle of communication that permits the rapid transmission of information, images and text across space and connections between dispersed networks of individuals, does technological advance in rural areas presage significant political transformations? This article investigates this question in the light of a poor result for the Cambodian People’s Party in the 2013 elections, and the subsequent banning of the main opposition party, before the 2018 elections. Expanding internet use in rural areas has linked relatively quiescent rural Cambodians for the first time to networks of information about militant urban movements of the poor. Rural Cambodians are responding to this opportunity through strategies of quiet encroachment in cyberspace. This has had real effects on the nature of the relationship between the dominant party and the rural population and suggests the declining utility of the election-winning strategy used by the party since 1993. However, the extent of this virtual information revolution is limited, since neither the urban nor rural poor are mapping out new online political strategies, agendas or identities that can push Cambodia’s sclerotic politics in new directions.  相似文献   

15.
While “new media” have substantially altered the landscape for information dissemination and social mobilisation, these media are neither all alike in their ideological leanings or intentions, nor independently capable of identity transformation and mobilisation. The paper explores these new media in the context of Malaysia since the late 1990s. It differentiates among news sites and organisational websites, which transmit (often previously proscribed) information to domestic and foreign audiences, with potentially significant effects on “civicness” and mobilisation; blogs, which tend to be primarily personalised, monological and often unfiltered; and social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter, which have eroded the anonymity of online interaction but represent the apex of self-selected communities. “Old media” still populate this landscape as well, from newspapers and other media sources, to public lectures, to leaflets and other ad hoc publications. Even apart from common caveats as to who has access, criteria for evaluation of these new and old media as tools for political change must vary, including differing degrees of information-provision and edification, interest articulation and aggregation, and transformation of collective identities so as to enable new patterns of mobilisation for collective action.  相似文献   

16.
The study explores arguments concerning the concept of the informal economy and makes the case that new media technologies, or more broadly, information and communication technologies (ICTs), as a socio‐economic phenomenon, tend to be exploited in the same way as other economic activities by those actors that operate in the informal economy. Moreover, this exploitation tends to show similar patterns in terms of growth and ownership concentration. In this context, the study analyses the patterns and tendencies that transpire when informal actors exploit ICTs. It aims to question the validity of the neoliberal paradigm that portrays informality and new media technology as a creative process that requires deregulation. The article is based on a field study carried out in Venezuela between 2003 and 2004.  相似文献   

17.
《中东研究》2012,48(1):131-149
The introduction of new media (internet, satellite TV) in the 1990s and the liberalization of the Egyptian press in the 2000s have brought the Coptic minority and its demands for equality and recognition to the forefront of public debate in Egypt. The consequences are diverse: more and sometimes better information and more room for the discussion of uncomfortable truths on the one hand, irresponsible sensationalism, the propagation of new and old prejudice, and a further strengthening of exclusive religious identities on the other hand. Government policies, though, rightly criticized as contributing to the current crisis in Muslim–Christian relations, have so far remained unaffected.  相似文献   

18.
FANE  R. 《African affairs》1947,46(185):234
This title introduces a new and what is hoped may be a permanentsection of the journal. So far, we have to a large extent dependedupon summaries at second-hand; in this section, we hope to publishfirst-hand information, too short for an article and perhapstoo long for a letter, from all parts of Africa, and on allkinds of topics, with special emphasis on the progress of developmentschemes. Needless to say, the use of the section will be madeor marred by the response of members in the field  相似文献   

19.
20世纪末,随着苏联的解体,哥萨克问题成为俄罗斯社会焦点之一,哥萨克研究进入一个新的阶段,并形成一门新的学科:哥萨克学。由于诸多因素,目前国内哥萨克学的研究尚不充分,对哥萨克的认识比较粗略和模糊,特别是关于哥萨克的起源和社会属性问题。这种状况制约了对哥萨克历史、文化、文学等方面的研究。哥萨克的起源和社会属性问题是哥萨克学研究首要解决的问题,也是学者争议比较大的问题。系统地研究这两个问题,可以为进一步研究哥萨克学提供基础性学术资料。哥萨克学也可以为俄罗斯研究提供一个新的视角。  相似文献   

20.
The explosion of information in the last decade has had more of a decentralizing than a centralizing effect on society, says Joseph S. Nye Jr., Don K. Price Professor of Public Policy and Dean of the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. In the following article, Nye examines the possible effects of the information revolution on the domestic and foreign policies of governments, in particular the impact on soft power--the power of persuasion through ideas, cultures, and policies. Foreign policy will no longer be the sole province of governments as the centrality and functions of the sovereign state will change and political institutions will need to adapt to this brave new world. Nye concludes that the US has an edge in the current era of globalization but it should be careful not to negate the positive values of its soft power by acting unilaterally or arrogantly.  相似文献   

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