Political Liberalization without Democratization: Pan Wei's proposal for political reform

This paper is a response to Pan Wei's rule of law regime reform proposal. It agrees with Pan that the direction of political reform taken and discussed inside China is indeed different from the democratization that has been pushed by outside pro-democracy activists, including Chinese dissidents. While some Chinese scholars and think-tank analysts talk about political reform, they are not proposing to democratize the polity but to make the single party rule of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) more efficient or to provide it with a more solid legal base. They have looked upon political liberalization without democratization as an alternative solution to many of China's problems related to the extant authoritarian system. Pan Wei's proposal for building a rule-of-law regime is a representative work of this group of Chinese intellectuals.     

Consultative Leninism: China's new political framework

This paper puts forward the concept of consultative Leninism to describe the political system that has taken shape in China after the death of Deng Xiaoping. It argues that the Communist Party has made its essentially Leninist political machinery more resilient in confronting the huge social and political challenges that the current global financial crisis may unleash in China by incorporating consultative elements. Consultative Leninism has five defining characteristics: an obsessive focus upon staying in power; continuous governance reform designed to pre-empt public demands for democratization; sustained efforts to enhance the Party's capacity to elicit, respond to and direct changing public opinion; pragmatism in economic and financial management; and the promotion of nationalism in place of Communism.     

NIMBY Behavior in Epidemic Prevention and Control and Its Governance from the Rule of Law

COVID-19 prevention and control is a great test of the governance system and governance capability of our country.People of all ethnic groups and regions are helping one another to fight the epidemic together under the leadership of the Communist Party of China,and demonstrate the remarkable advantages of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics.But governing NIMBY behavior in the epidemic prevention and control work by rule of law is not only an important subject to promote the modernization of national governance capacity but also upholds the rule of law to protect human rights.It s a complex system mechanism that requires emergency management and rule of law advocacy working together,the implementation of good laws and flexible law enforcement moving forward together,and legal incentives and legal sanctions used together.     

刘少奇对中国共产党从革命党向执政党转变的探索

新中国成立后,刘少奇对中国共产党从革命党转向执政党问题,进行了艰辛的探索并取得了一些有益的认识:他提出党政分工以完善党的领导方式和执政方式;对权力加强制约,以防止个人集权、官僚主义和腐败现象的出现;加快法制建设,强调党员必须带头遵守宪法和法律,把实行法治作为共产党的基本执政方略。刘少奇对中国共产党从革命党转向执政党的艰辛探索,为新时期实行全面改革提供了宝贵的经验。     

我国多党合作制度中的领导与被领导关系--对我国政党制度中几个基本关系探讨之一

中国共产党在多党合作中居于领导地位,是由中国社会历史发展决定的,由共产党与民主党派的性质决定的,是在中国革命、建设和改革的实践过程中形成的,不能把西方多党制的政党关系作为衡量我国政党关系的标准.民主党派组织上的独立性和党际关系上的平等性,决定了中国共产党在我国政治生活和多党合作中的领导只能是政治领导,只能通过民主协商来实现.中国共产党和各民主党派根本利益和奋斗目标的共同性、我国民主党派的主动性和政党制度的优越性,决定了中国共产党对民主党派的领导关系是一种互相依存、互相作用,相辅相成、相得益彰的互动关系.     

Information Technology,Political Participation,and the Evolution of Chinese Policymaking

Although information technology is playing a fundamental role in China's political development, relatively little is known about the contours of online participation in government policymaking. This article presents the results of a survey of individuals who, in 2008, used the Internet to submit comments on the central government's plan to reform the nation's health system. The responses demonstrate that participants were, in the aggregate, well-educated professionals who live in urban areas and were especially likely to work in the medical and health industry. Substantial numbers of participants commented as a means of expressing concerns about the overall direction of reform, as well as on specific elements of the proposal itself. Participants generally anticipated no more than a modest degree of government responsiveness, although high expectations were held for comments from government officials and individuals who worked in the medical and health industry. Overall, these attributes and attitudes are illustrative of the evolution, as opposed to transformation, of the political system that is occurring in online contexts where neither democratization nor the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party is of immediate salience to government officials and societal stakeholders.     

贵州民族地区生态文明法治建设的实践与探索——以毕节市生态文明法治工程为例

党的十八大以来,贵州坚守生态底线,践行绿色发展,在生态文明法治建设上取得了较大的成效,形成了许多可操作可复制的成功经验。同时,生态文明法治建设的成效离不开民族地区的实践与探索。尤其是2015年开始的"法治毕节"建设,生态文明法治工程作为六大工程的重要内容,五年来,其在立法、执法和司法等方面探索了一套生态文明法治建设的实践模式和样板,为贵州民族地区营造了良好的法治环境,也为贵州的生态法治建设探索有益的经验。     

略论中国共产党多党合作能力的提升

多党合作能力是执政的中国共产党与民主党派开展政治协商和合作共事的能力。多党合作能力是党的执政能力建设的重要内容,提升党的多党合作能力,可以有效改善中国共产党的领导,提高参政党的参政水平。提升党的多党合作能力要求增强多党合作的自觉性,巩固多党合作的思想政治基础,实现多党合作的制度化,同时推动民主党派加强自身建设,充分发挥我国政党制度广泛性与进步性相结合的特点和优势。     

论行刑法治

随着我国法治理念和法治事业的深入推进,尤其十八届四中全会明确提出了全面推进依法治国的重大决定,监狱行刑领域的法治问题开始进入公众视野和国家治理创新议程。依法治国在社会发展和国家建设中的重要作用已经凸显,其对于监狱活动的影响也日益加深。"行刑法治"既是对于行刑活动规范化要求和法治化构建的重要概括,也是我国现代监狱实践发展的指导思想和基本前提。因此,我们有必要立足于监狱行刑的基本理论,着重从学理层面探讨行刑法治的基本内涵、具体内容和重大意义,为监狱领域贯彻法治思想和法治理念寻求理论支撑和价值引导。     

China's Counterinsurgency Strategy in Tibet and Xinjiang

China's counterinsurgency strategy in Tibet and Xinjiang relies heavily on hard power and imposition. Well-functioning vertical coordination in the security sector of China's political system and assimilationist nationality dynamics combine to favour the use of force against ethnic groups that do not accept the political legitimacy of China's Communist Party. Transnational links contribute to China's difficulties with implementing counterinsurgency in Tibet and help China implement its strategy in Xinjiang. Development strategies aimed at improving living standards are crowded out due to a lack of horizontal coordination between civilian and security agencies and a bias towards unitary nation-building in Chinese nationalism.     

论宪法解释——兼评中国宪法解释体制的困境和出路

法治是建设富强中国的必经之路,依法治国首先应当是依宪治国。宪法是对国家权力的限制和理性化,是自由的政治生活进程的保障,是人权的保障。任何遵守法治原则的政治共同体中,宪法解释都是一项关系万千重的问题。中国正面临司法改革的转折点,宪法的解释是违宪审查的必经环节,构建我国的违宪审查制度首先需要面对的就是宪法解释的问题。     

中国共产党执政方式的法治化探析

改革和完善中国共产党的领导方式和执政方式,对推进社会主义民主政治建设,具有全局性作用.坚持依法执政,实施党对国家和社会的领导,不断提高依法执政的能力,必须改革和完善党的执政方式,把党的执政方式纳入法治化轨道.本文对党的执政方式法治化的基本内涵、主要内容和基本思路作了初步探讨.     

Turning a Chinese Kid Red: kindergartens in the early People's Republic

To win the hearts and minds of the Chinese people, Chinese Communist leaders launched a series of educational reforms to instill new socialist ideas and nationalistic fervor in kindergarteners immediately after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. Under the strong influence of Soviet advisers and through a number of methods (games, singing, storytelling, site visits), Chinese kindergarteners were taught the nobility of labor, the sacrifice of soldiers, the grandeur of Tiananmen Square, the wise leadership of Chairman Mao Zedong, and the evilness of enemies. However, contrary to the conventional view, this article argues that Chinese education officials and kindergarten teachers never blindly followed Soviet educational models. They appropriated Moscow's techniques to suit their domestic needs, which included promoting nationalist feelings among children to consolidate the Chinese Communist Party's legitimacy and power. Ultimately, Chinese kindergarteners were turned into Party loyalists, not admirers of a foreign socialist model. Although the Party encountered difficulties in recruiting reliable teachers to implement its policies, it was able to impose nearly total control from above over the political content of kindergarten education. Under the one-party system, Chinese children were only taught what the Communist leaders wanted them to learn.     

The Party and the Sage: Communist China's use of quasi-Confucian rationalizations for one-party dictatorship and imperial ambition

The current bloom of quasi-Confucian political thinking and writing in the People's Republic of China (PRC), encouraged by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and deployed both to discredit Western ideals of democratic pluralism and to rationalize continued one-party rule in China, has been a long time coming. This article examines the origins of this line of thinking, its development since its first appearance with the CCP's cultivation of Confucius studies in the mid-1980s, and the current parameters of this discourse as it has taken a growing role in Beijing's domestic political and emerging geopolitical narrative.     

Political Institutionalization as Political Development in China

Contrary to many doubts, the institutionalization of political leadership survived the succession process in China between 2002 and 2003. In 2004, Jiang Zemin attempted to override the institutionalized political leadership but was unsuccessful. These episodes demonstrate the level of political institutionalization that has been steadily undertaken since the reform and opening of China. After theoretically defining institutionalization as the first significant stage of political development, this article examines the current progress in political institutionalization at two distinct levels: external and internal. This article argues that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership intended to establish political stability directly and facilitate economic development indirectly under the goal of sustaining the political legitimacy of the CCP's rule of China. Finally, this article examines whether China would follow the ideal sequence of political development, i.e. institutionalization leading to participation leading to contestation. Though China has achieved considerable political institutionalization and conducted many experiments of expanding political participation, public contestation is still confined solely to within the party. Thus, it remains to be seen whether or not China will follow the ideal sequence.     

中国特色反腐倡廉模式研究

中国共产党历来重视反腐倡廉,建国以来,党和国家立足国情,不断探索反腐倡廉的规律,坚持不懈地推进反腐倡廉,形成了建国初期的＂运动式＂模式、改革开放初期的＂制度式＂模式、社会主义市场经济体制建立初期的＂法治化＂模式、新世纪初期的＂建设式＂模式以及党的十八大以来的＂互动式＂模式等具有中国特色的反腐倡廉模式。当前,我国反腐败工作正处于向纵深发展的重要时期,回顾我国反腐倡廉的历程,探究各种反腐倡廉模式的得失,有助于进一步提高反腐倡廉的科学化水平,为＂中国梦＂的实现创造清正廉洁的政治环境。     

法治、维权与维稳

当前,我国进入改革攻坚期和社会稳定风险期,维护社会大局稳定具有必要性和正当性。维权是维稳的基础,维稳的实质是维权。法治是维权与维稳的结合点。通过法治实现维权和维稳的统一,要求政府依法办事,善于运用法治思维和法治方式行使权力,要把群众合理合法的利益诉求解决好,要完善对维护群众切身利益具有重大作用的制度,要强化法律在化解矛盾中的权威地位,要树立法治底线,不能突破法律底线维稳和维权,同时要推进法治社会建设。也就是要坚持依法执政、依法治国和依法行政一体推进,法治国家、法治政府、法治社会一体建设。     

提高检察机关普法的实效性研究

党的十八届四中全会提出建立"谁执法谁普法"的普法责任制,并推行法官、检察官、行政执法人员、律师等以案释法制度,对深入推进普法工作、强化全民法治理念提出了更高的要求。基层检察院作为法治中国建设的重要主体,也应积极转变理念,从实践入手,加强普法的实效性研究,参与到全民普法的实践中来。     

坚持共产党在多党合作制度中的领导地位

中国共产党领导的多党合作与政治协商制度是我国的一项基本政治制度 ,也是具有中国特色的政党制度。理解这一政治制度的基本内容 ,最核心的问题就是要全面、正确地理解为什么要坚持中国共产党的领导地位。这是与西方多党制和某些国家的一党制的根本区别。它对抵御西方敌对势力的侵蚀 ,反对国内一些不良的政治思潮 ,有着重要的意义。本文拟从我国多党合作制度的形成、存在、发展和广阔前景入手 ,对共产党在多党合作中的领导地位进行阐述。     

对中国特色政党制度的几点思考

政党制度是现代民主政治的重要特征之一,它是公民参与政治与社会管理的主要形式。一个国家实行什么样的政党制度是由它的的国情、国家性质以及社会发展状况决定的。我国实行的中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度,是中国长期的革命、建设、改革实践中逐步形成和发展起来的、适合中国国情的一项基本的政治制度,是中国社会主义民主政治的一个重要组成部分。