美国的越南研究

本文旨在介绍和评述19世纪以来美国的越南研究。作者认为美国的越南研究可以划分为4个主要阶段,即19世纪初到二战结束,第一次印支战争到1968年,1968年到越战结束,以及从越战结束到现在。本文的重点在于第二和第三阶段。在每一阶段内则侧重介绍代表性的学者和他们的著作和观点,并且特别关注政治与学术研究的相互影响。     

美国干涉与老挝1955年选举

根据1954年日内瓦会议协议,老挝于1955年将进行全民选举。美国将老挝视为在印度支那地区防范共产党势力发展的重要阵地。为使老挝新政府成为一个亲西方的反共政府,投入了大量的人力和物力。美国在将老挝纳入其冷战轨道的同时,也破坏了老挝的独立与发展。     

美国与老挝1958年的补充选举

1954年日内瓦会议结束以后,美国开始关注老挝国内局势的发展,将老挝看作其在东南亚防御共产主义影响的重要缓冲地带,积极扶植符合其利益要求的代理人上台。美国为确保老挝保守势力取得1958年补充选举的胜利投入了大量的援助。尽管如此,选举结果却违背了美国的初衷,暴露了美国对老挝政策的先天不足。     

美国国家安全战略综述

美国国家安全战略是其防务政策和外交政策的总和。尽管在冷战的相当长时间内美国没有正式的国家安全战略文件,但我们仍然可以从美国的防务政策和外交政策的变化中看出其国家安全战略的概貌。1986年,美国会通过《戈德尔特——尼科尔斯国防部改组法》之后,美总统每年向国会提交一份综合性的国家安全战略报告。由此,研究和了解美国国家安全战略有了更加可靠和完整的依据。     

冷战后老挝外交政策的特点及走向

冷战后,老挝外交政策表现出四个特点:由政治外交转向经济外交;重点发展与越南、中国等传统友好国家的关系;从地缘政治考虑,参与并扩大与东盟各国的合作;转向"全方位外交",增进与各大国的交往。今后老挝外交政策将围绕政治独立、经济发展、安全维护、地位提升等方面展开,以实现国家利益最大化。     

美国因素和1962年《日内瓦协议》以后老挝内战的重启

日内瓦协议签署以后,美国并没有停止对老挝事务的干涉。美国政府在继续援助老挝反共力量的同时,进一步采取了促进老挝中立派与右派势力合作的战略。美国对日内瓦协议的公然违背造成了老挝政治力量的再次分化与重组。老挝再次陷人内战的同时,美国也对老挝事务进行了直接的军事干涉,使老挝最终成为越南战争的真正战场。     

国外关于1960-1962年老挝危机的研究述评

老挝是一个贫穷、弱小的内陆国家,因地理位置特殊,在亚洲冷战期间具有重要地位。它与中国、越南、柬埔寨、泰国和缅甸接壤,既是中国、北越与美国的盟国——泰国之间的缓冲地带,又是越南战争期间北越向南越民解武装力量输送物资和人员的重要通道。双方即苏、中、越3国和美、泰两国分别支持老挝左翼和右翼政治力量,进行公开或秘密较量,     

四国档案曝光 破解越战秘史——美国害怕解放军参战

中越美苏四国的越战档案披露,当年中越秘密商定,若美地面部队越过北纬17度线,中国将出动陆军迎战。美国获知后不敢将战事升级。越南脚踏中苏两船取利,埋下中越反目祸根。 今年4月29日是北越解放西贡(今胡志明市)25周年纪念日。从60年代一直延续到70年代中期的越南战争。主战场在越南本土,却将老挝、柬埔寨等印度支那国家都卷了进去,而中、美、苏这三个大国也都在这场战争中恩怨交缠,敌我友互相分化组合。越战使越南南北方军民丧生约300万人,上百万人投奔怒海,流亡他乡;美国军队死亡58000人、受伤30余万人。     

实用主义哲学对美国外交与安全政策的影响

美国实用主义哲学思潮产生于19 世纪70 年代, 源于殖民国家的历史以及重利轻理的文化根性, 强调行动、注重效果、开拓进取成为美国实用主义哲学的三个主要特点。在政治现实中, 受实用主义哲学的影响, 美国领导人通常都是以务实的态度解决所面临的问题, 并利用所能得到的机会试图实现最大的利益。纵观美国对外关系史, 受实用主义哲学影响, 美国外交及国家安全政策以注重效果为主要特征, 常随环境的变化而调整对国家利益重点的界定, 即使理想主义的高调幌子也难以掩饰实用主义的目的。     

近期中拉关系的发展与美国的拉美政策

中拉关系近年来有了较快发展,双方经贸关系增长迅速,政府领导人之间高层互访频繁。中拉关系的发展引起了美国的极大关注,美国对中国在拉美的经济、政治和外交活动,以及这些活动的内外驱动因素作了评估和分析。美国认为,中国在拉美的活动是一个新兴大国崛起的表现,但美国未将中国在拉美的存在看作实质威胁。美国将提高关注程度,维护美国的战略利益,防止中国影响拉美的民主化进程。同时,美国对拉美的外交政策没有作出较大和实质的改变,加强西半球的安全、促进民主、推进美洲自由贸易区的建设和维持对外援助仍是其对外政策的基本内容。     

越南战争时期美国对柬埔寨中立的干涉(1956-1971)

本文重点探讨在20世纪60年代越南战争期间美国如何干涉柬埔寨的独立和中立,直至最后支持朗诺—施里玛达集团推翻西哈努克政权,而西哈努克又如何在国际冷战环境下争取国家的独立和中立的历史过程,由此揭示国际冷战对小国的重大影响,而小国在大国极端对抗中实际上难以置身事外,甚至难以维持独立和中立的地位。     

Setting a Course: Congressional Foreign Policy Entrepreneurs In Post-World War II U.S. Foreign Policy

"Congressional foreign policy entrepreneurs" are those legislators who initiate their own foreign policy agendas. These individuals seek to frame policy discussions and mobilize public and interest group interest; to direct congressional agendas toward specific foreign policy issues; to structure and influence the formulation of foreign policies by the executive branch; to revise, refocus, or reformulate foreign policies; to generate alternative and replacement foreign policies; and to fill policy vacuums with their own preferred foreign policies. This paper examines the evolution and impact of such entrepreneurs across the periods of the Cold War Consensus (1946–1967), the Cold War Dissensus (1968–1989), and the Post-Cold War (1990–2000). The paper first provides an overview of the concept of foreign policy entrepreneurs. It then turns to case studies of entrepreneurial initiatives from three prolific entrepreneurs whose careers span the post-World War II era: Senators Jacob Javits, Edward Kennedy, and Christopher Dodd. Together, the overview and cases shed light on the different avenues and activities that entrepreneurs use to address their preferred issues and the impact entrepreneurs have on policy, as well as highlight changes in both over time.     

The Confluence of Domestic and International Interests: U.S. Policy Toward Cuba, 1998–2001

This article examines the confluence of forces at work to shape U.S. policy toward Cuba since the late 1990s. Our approach examines four key factors involved in policymaking toward Cuba in this period: (1) the entry of new interest groups into the Cuba policy process and an "entrepreneurial" Congress; (2) the executive's constitutionally based interests; (3) bureaucratic interests; and (4) pressure from outside the United States. We examine U.S.–Cuba policy by describing each determinant in isolation and then by looking at the dynamic interaction among them, showing how they are linked together. In doing so, we argue that an analysis including multiple factors better explains U.S. policy toward Cuba than one that focuses on a single factor such as the power of the Cuban-American community.     

老挝全方位外交政策与老中关系

随着冷战的结束、国际及地区形势的变化,老挝逐步摒弃＂一边倒＂的外交观念,于20世纪80年代中期确立了全方位外交方针和政策。经过20多年的实践,老挝全方位对外交往活跃,在深化与传统友好国家关系同时,与世界各国建立了广泛联系,老挝与中国的关系也获得了长足发展和较大突破,并成为老挝发展全方位务实外交关系中的重要关系。     

Looking Beyond the National Level: Foreign Direct Investment Attraction in U.S. States

International relations scholars need to look beyond the national level because U.S. states and governors are increasingly important actors in world politics. One way to look at their international activities is by examining the ways in which U.S. states seek to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), just one research puzzle at the nexus of international relations and U.S. state politics, two fields that rarely talk to one another. After pointing out the gaps within theories from international relations and international political economy, this paper describes the evolving global roles of both U.S. states and governors and shows how U.S. states attract FDI through the use of their international offices and governor-led overseas missions. Empirical findings indicate that U.S. states' international offices and a higher level of economic interdependence help states attract FDI, and the paper argues that extension of institutional approaches from IPE may be valuable for future research about the international capabilities of subnational governments and their leaders.     

Mortgaging Security for Economic Gain: U.S. Arms Policy in an Insecure World

Similar to other consumer sectors of the global economy, the transfer of advanced conventional weapons and military technologies has entered the globalization process, a process that has qualitatively and quantitatively altered the composition and structure of U.S. national security policymaking. By injecting the decisionmaking process governing arms transfers into the global market place, U.S. policy makers must now reconcile maintaining economic competitiveness within the global system without jeopardizing U.S. national security interests. By subordinating national security interests to global economic imperatives, U.S. decisionmakers are at risk of mortgaging the political, societal, and security welfare of its citizenry for profit.     

U.S. Foreign Aid and Foreign Policy: Building Strong Relationships by Doing It Right!

Foreign aid policies cannot be more successful than their implementation, which inherently involves people and institutions. But people have their own interests and cultural frameworks, and institutions are inevitably grounded in culture and politics. Inattention to the agendas of individuals involved on both sides of foreign aid to Central and Eastern Europe played a major role in its shortcomings. A recent court decision holding two Harvard university scholars guilty of defrauding the U.S. government while running a flagship project to reform the Russian economy underscores the pitfalls in outsourcing traditional functions of government to small, well-connected groups that are not fully accountable in serving the public interest. Drawing on the author's experience studying informal systems and networks over several decades, this article illuminates the importance of foreign policy and aid relationships—how they are set up, who wins and who loses, and how their lack of accountability can contribute to the derailment of nation-building and constructive relations among countries.     

美国的出口管制政策及其对美中贸易的影响

美国出口管制政策演变的历史表明,出口管制始终是美国国家战略的一个重要组成部分。自中华人民共和国成立以来,美国对华一直实行歧视性出口管制政策。这不仅在相当程度上加剧了美中贸易失衡,而且使两国都付出了巨大的经济代价。由于奥巴马政府并未改变美国对华的一贯立场,因此其推动的出口管制改革并未惠及美中贸易,使美中贸易关系的发展日趋复杂。在对华出口管制问题上,美中两国的博弈将是一个长期的过程,在美中双边经济相互依赖关系中明显处于弱势地位的中国应当积极采取措施予以应对。