对我军完成多样化军事任务的几点思考

胡锦涛总书记在党的十七大报告中明确了提高军队应对多种安全威胁、完成多样化军事任务的能力，要达到全面履行党和人民赋予的新视野和军事战略视野，进一步增强政治意识、大局意识，新阶段军队历史使命，必须提高军队应对多样化军事任务的使命意识和战略意识，在纷繁复杂的形势面前能消除威胁、完成多样化军事任务的能力，坚决维护国家主权、安全、领土完整，为维护世界和平贡献力量。这是当前国防和军队建设的重要内容，也是新世纪履行我军历史使命的体现。     

适应核心军事能力建设着力培养高素质军事人才

新时期新阶段,＂应对多种安全威胁,完成多样化军事任务＂已成为军队建设的重要发展方向。军队建设必须抓军事能力建设,军事能力建设必须抓核心军事能力建设。广大官兵是部队建设的主体,是战斗力构成的决定性因素,大力发展军事科技,加速军事指挥人才的培养是关键,人才建设必然成为核心军事能力建设的抓手。     

2007年中国大事看点

军队在维护国家发展的重要战略机遇期、应对各种安全挑战中肩负着光荣使命和神圣职责。全军要密切关注国际国内形势变化,进一步增强忧患意识和使命意识,自觉履行新世纪新阶段我军历史使命,为全面建设小康社会和构建社会主义和谐社会提供坚强有力的安全保证。     

和谐社会视阈中的国防经济建设

国防经济建设既是国防建设的重要组成部分,也是国民经济建设的一部分,是联结国防建设和经济建设的桥梁和纽带。国防经济建设在推动中国特色军事变革、拓展和深化军事斗争准备中发挥着极其重要的作用。为了贯彻新时期军事战略方针,有效履行新世纪新阶段我军历史使命,积极推进中国特色军事变革,全面提高以打赢信息化条件下局部战争能力为核心的完成多样化军事任务能力,必须科学发展,积极推进国防经济建设的战略转型,实现国防经济建设的跨越式发展。     

打造指挥官、参谋、科学家、技术、士官五支队伍,培养信息战军事人才——中国军队实施人才战略工程

为实现我军现代化跨越式发展,加速推进中国特色军事变革,中央军委日前正式颁发了《实施军队人才战略工程规划》。这是我军出台的第一个人才建设的宏观发展规划,它强调军队的人才建设要着眼履行打得赢、不变质的历史使命和完成机械化、信息化建设的双重历史任务,为军队现代化建设和军事斗争准备提供强大的人才和智力支持。它的颁布实施,必将有力推动我军人才建设的整体发展。     

论军事人才经营理念的创新

信息化军事人才是适应军队信息化建设和打赢信息化战争要求的高素质军事人才，是忠实履行新世纪历史使命的根本保证。如何使用好军队现有军事人才，让他们在部队建设中发挥最大效能，是当前一个重要的课题。     

推进国防和军队建设又好又快发展

站在国家安全和发展战略高度,推进国防和军队建设又好又快发展,是党的十七大提出的重要任务。要以科学发展观为重要指导方针,实现富国和强军的统一,努力提高我军履行新世纪新阶段历史使命的能力,按照革命化、现代化、正规化相统一的原则对军队建设全面加强、协调推进,坚定不移地推进国防和军队建设的改革创新。     

保障和平发展

正确应对传统安全和非传统安全,为国家安全统一和现代化建设提供坚强有力的保障温家宝总理在《政府工作报告》中强调,要着眼于有效履行新世纪新阶段军队的历史使命,为维护国家安全统一和现代化建设提供坚强有力的保障。与国家利益紧密相连的国家安全问题,已经成为中国能否和平、稳定、持续发展的关键点之一。对此,接受《瞭望》     

法律视野下的美军民事行动

美军在<作战纲要>(FH100-5号野战条令)中提出"非战争军事行动"的概念,并把民事行动作为特种作战纳入"非战争军事行动"的范畴.美军民事行动的实践源于第二次世界大战期间,为维护其国家利益和盟国利益,美军的民事行动,已成为军事行动的重要组成部分,并建立了完备的法律、法规对其进行规范.从法律视角,分析美军民事行动,旨在从法律层面正确认识现代战争手段的多样性,提高我军遂行多样化军事任务的能力及履行新世纪、新阶段下的历史使命的能力.     

使命国防建设务实推进

中国军队要全力担负起新的历史使命,在军事理论、军队建设上务实努力,提高承担历史责任的能力。 穿过中俄军演的硝烟,中国军队 在2005年的表现令人耳目一新。新 时期、新形势下,胡锦涛主席提出人 民解放军要“为党巩固执政地位提供 重要的力量保证,为维护国家发展的 重要战略机遇期提供坚强的安全保 障,为维护国家利益提供有力的战略 支撑,为维护世界和平与促进共同发 展发挥重要作用”的新的历史使命。 在新的历史使命的牵引下,扎扎实实 抓好军事斗争准备的同时,人民解放 军正在积极做好理论创新和人才培 养。     

Military Space Cooperation: Aligning the Balance of Power and Building Common Interest

The strengthening of alliances through cooperative military activities is a long-established tradition for land, sea and air forces. With the rise of spacepower over the last 50 years, and the growing number of spacefaring and space-using nations, military space programs provide new opportunities for military-to-military cooperation. Military space programs often represent the most technical and secretive of capabilities and there may be risks in sharing the inner workings of these capabilities, even with trusted allies. Is there a way to share the benefits of these strategically and tactically important capabilities in a manner that enhances the peace, justice and security of all stakeholders? Many nations around the world are answering ‘yes’ to this question as they enter into agreements on cooperative space projects for commercial, environmental and military security. More and more they are using their space programs to realign the old balance of power and create new common interests. As the number of spacefaring nations increase and the number of space users grow around the globe, the traditional space powers, such as the United States, need to reconsider how to integrate military space cooperation in their strategies of strengthening alliances and building common interest.     

Exporting Security: Success and Failure in the Securitization and Desecuritization of Foreign Military Interventions

Alongside humanitarian motives, the pursuit of security is the main justification given by states for their foreign military interventions. This is constructed as an ‘export of security’, part of a strategy to combat material and ideological threats abroad in order to enhance the sending state’s security. Such securitized justifications are highly ambiguous, with the military intervention itself often becoming a source of insecurity. Given the Janus-faced nature of military securitization, what are the conditions for a successful securitization move leading to foreign military intervention? In response to this question, the following article compares separate cases of security exports undertaken by the United States (US), Germany and Japan. It is argued that a stable commitment to a military intervention on the part of a sending state is only possible if the pre-intervention securitization process includes a successful desecuritization move once there are boots on the ground. This argument underlines the fundamental ambiguity of securitization moves, as well as the importance of and conditions for audience acceptance. Furthermore, this article proposes a template for exploring the links between securitization and desecuritization.     

Transatlantic Military Space Cooperation: Addressing the Capabilities Gap

Attempts to address the transatlantic capabilities gap in military space is complicated by the rivalry between NATO and the European Union's ambition to undertake a greater role in European security, as well as being held hostage by the extent and nature of the EU's role in this crucial policy area. In light of this, transatlantic military space cooperation is likely to be modest and on a bilateral basis between Washington and the various European capitals, though NATO may yet play a larger role in this area.     

War and (the Democratic) Peace: Military Service,Citizenship, and the International Environment

Is there a significant relationship between military structure and political liberalization? If so, can military structure and organization be manipulated to influence the process of democratization for the purpose of enhancing inter-state peace? To test the implications of these questions, I will investigate a decidedly contentious premise. Military factors traditionally considered destabilizing in the international environment (to include large, well-trained armed forces organized for offensive or out-of-country operations) have, at critical junctions in the Western experience, had a distinctly positive impact on the emergence and maintenance of the liberal democratic state. If this is indeed the case, and liberal democracy can be shown structurally and normatively to produce inter-state peace, then the preferred policy of peace-desiring states should be to promote and implement military reform at home and abroad that most efficiently generates democratic structures and values, regardless of intuitive fears of international instability. In short, I will argue that if liberal democratic states do not go to war with each other, then the size, proficiency, and strength of their military forces should not be a security dilemma issue.     

Military transformation,political economy pressures and the future of trans-atlantic national security space cooperation

Investment demand for national security space is building on both sides of the Atlantic due to changes in technology and the threat environment. Many people hope that the close NATO alliance ties will facilitate trans-Atlantic coordination of plans. Coordination, they argue, would increase efficiency, yielding more and better space systems, and also would enhance effectiveness, increasing the operational pay-off of each unit of investment. However, several barriers stand in the way: the economic benefits would be smaller than advocates hope, political constraints bind tightly and military doctrine is evolving in different directions in Europe and the United States. Consequently, trans-Atlantic cooperation is unlikely to make a major contribution to national security space policy.     

New approaches to Central American organised crime

The adoption of new security policies integrating civilian and military approaches to tackle transnational criminal groups is symptomatic of the limitations of local police forces, as well as the drawbacks of relying too heavily on military interventions.     

Nigerian Federalism Under Civilian and Military Regimes

Nigerian experiences with military and civilian rule suggestthat military rule is not entirely incompatible with federalism.The heterogeneous and centrifugal forces that operate in a multinationalpolity like Nigeria make the use of federal principles a reasonableoption for military rulers. To some extent, federal principleshave become entrenched in Nigeria. Too great a violation ofthose principles by a military regime can spark communal conflictand destabilize the regime. The major differences in the operationof civilian and military federalism are to be found in the styleand structures of administration.     

Strategic arms limitation treaties and innovations in weapons technology

Treaties to limit strategic arms, such as those resulting from the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), are generally viewed as resulting in a reduced level of military spending and an increased level of security for both countries. This paper shows that such treaties generally would accelerate the qualitative arms race and could lead to the introduction of new and potentially destabilizing weapon systems. Thus, the result might be an increase in military spending and a decrease in the level of security for both countries. This result is supported by a formal model of bureaucratic decision making, in which defense bureaus choose between purchases of existing weapons systems or research and development expenditures on new weapons systems. The formal model leads to two theorems which identify the conditions under which arms limitation treaties lead to innovations in weapons technology and to increased military spending.     

Military regimes: power and force

Abstract. It is generally held that coups are the start of full military intervention. As a consequence, studies intent on contrasting the performance of 'military' as opposed to 'civilian' governments have used the event of a military coup as the essential criterion for distinction. The evidence clearly shows, however, that the distinction is not so easily drawn. Further, consideration of the only systematic attempt to delineate types of military regimes in respect of civilian involvement suggests that the dichotomised view of military and civilian regimes should be replaced by attention being drawn to power and force in all political systems. This view is supported by a classification of Third World political systems which reflects these two dimensions. Ironically, the study of military governments installed by coups d'état has actually served to obscure the importance of force in politics.     

China's security agenda after the cold war

The end of the cold war has changed China's basic perception of world politics and its conception of national security. In the cold war era, Chinese leaders tended to view national security from the perspective of global balance of power and China's strategic relations with the two superpowers. It was in Beijing's security interests to maintain a comfortable position in a strategic triangular relationship with the Soviet Union and the United States. When the Soviet Empire and the East European communist regimes collapsed, the structure of the postwar international system dissolved, and the old parameters for Beijing's security strategy disappeared. The Chinese leadership suddenly found itself in a totally new world in which China needed to reorient and redefine its security strategy on a new strategic axis.

Beijing's security strategy after the cold war is redefined by its domestic priorities, growing foreign economic relations, the new security environment in Asia, and concerns over territorial disputes. In a sense, the myopic conception of security based on war and peace is fading away. Beijing's thinking on national security becomes more inclusive, diverse, and complicated. The nature and intensity of external threats has changed. China's growing economic ties with the outside world have redirected Beijing's attention to economic interests and security. The Chinese leadership realizes that its security is affected not only by the military forces of other countries, but also by political, economic, societal, and environmental factors in international relations Beijing needs to employ both traditional military defence and non‐military actions to safeguard its territorial integrity and to realize its full capacity in world affairs.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse China's security agendas after the cold war. It first examines the impact of the end of the cold war on China's thinking on national security, then discusses Beijing's threat perception and changing defence strategy. This is followed by an examination of domestic stability considerations and economic interests in Beijing's security strategy. Finally, it discusses the implications of China's growing power for regional security.