国际知识产权保护和我国面临的挑战

在全球化中知识产权保护不断强化、中央提出建设创新型国家的大背景下,我国的知识产权保护面临着挑战和机遇。基于对世界上主要国家、地区知识产权制度与相关国际条约及其对我国的影响之考察,对各国及国际的知识产权保护中值得借鉴之处的分析,我们应当做的是:一方面利用知识产权制度业已形成的高端保护推动国民在高新技术与文化产品领域搞创造与创作这个“流”,另一方面积极促成新的知识产权制度来保护我们目前可能处优势的传统知识及生物多样化这个“源”。这样,才更有利于加快我国向“知识经济”与和谐社会发展的进程。     

National Human Rights Institutions in Europe

Since the 1990s, the number of national human rights institutions(NHRIs or ‘national institutions’) has been growingin Europe. The aim of these institutions is to help implementinternational human rights at the national level and narrowthe gap between government and civil society. After discussingthe history and role as well as the advantages of creating nationalinstitutions in European states, this article analyses the differentmodels of composition and the principal competences of NHRIsin light of the Paris Principles that provide guidelines forthese institutions. The NHRIs also create networks at nationaland regional levels. The article highlights how NHRIs in Europecan contribute to the implementation of human rights and whatstructure, functions and relationships they may adopt in orderto ensure their effectiveness.     

刑罚的正当性探究——从权利出发

刑罚权配置和运作的正当性,应从个体性权利出发进行分析和论证。刑罚的适用即意味着自然人或者单位重大权利的剥夺或者限制,而这类权利应否被剥夺或者限制以及在何种程度上被剥夺或者限制,应通过这类权利的性质来认识和分析。在犯罪设置、刑罚制度方面,都应从个体性权利视角来检验制度、规范和解释结论的正当性。     

环境权主体研究

环境权自提出以来发展至今,在理论和实践上都面临着困境。本文试图从法理学的角度对环境权的主体进行分析,来突破这一困境。因为有了主体,权利才有了归属。只有环境权的主体明确,分析环境权的客体、内容才有意义。环境权主体属于权利主体的范畴,又有其自身的特征。环境权的主体包括:自然人和人类,而不包括单位、国家和自然体。     

刑事诉讼告知义务初探

告知义务是国家赋予国家机关(含警察、检察官及法官)告知被追诉人(犯罪嫌疑人、被告人)相关的事实、理由及权利的义务,是国家机关在刑事诉讼中承担的关照、帮助被追诉人实现其权利的一项特别义务。设定国家机关的告知义务,有利于保障被追诉人充分行使其权利。不论是国际公约还是一些法治发达国家都有关于告知义务的明确规定。我国刑事诉讼法对于告知义务的规定相对简单,应参照并借鉴国际公约及西方法治发达国家的立法经验,予以修改与完善。     

Of Austerity,Human Rights and International Institutions

Austerity measures have led to the denial of social rights and widespread socio‐economic malaise across Europe. In the case of countries subjected to conditionality imposed by international institutions, the resultant harms have highlighted a range of responsibility gaps. Two legal developments come together to expose these gaps: Greece's argument in a series of cases under the European Social Charter that it was not responsible for the impact on rights brought about by austerity measures as it was only giving effect to its other international obligations as agreed with the Troika; and the concern to emerge from the Pringle case before the European Court of Justice that European Union (EU) institutions could do outside of the EU what they could not do within the EU ‐‐disregard the Charter of Fundamental Rights. That the Commission and the European Central Bank were in time answerable to international organisations set up to provide financial support adds an additional layer of responsibility to consider. Taking Greece as a case study, this article addresses the imperative of having international institutions respect human rights.     

论欧洲理事会的人权保护制度对建立和完善国际人权保护制度的影响

欧洲理事会采取集体办法促进和保护人权的理论和实践对建立和完善国际人权保护制度产生了深远的影响 :区域性人权保护办法是在区域层面上施行《世界人权宣言》的有效途径 ;国际人权机构应通过改革不断提高人权的可司法性 ;主权国家应在采取集体办法保护区域人权方面积极行使主权权利 ;人权国际保护内在地要求增强个人的权利主体意识 ;国际人权保护机构应不断提高其工作效率。随着欧洲理事会的人权保护制度的不断完善 ,它在人权国际保护中的“领跑者”的形象和影响将得以继续显现。     

Law and Institutional Legitimacy in the Practice of Human Rights

The Heart of Human Rights develops an account of human rights as legal entities that serve important moral purposes in a legitimate international human rights practice. This paper examines Allen Buchanan’s general concept of institutional legitimacy and aims to expand that concept by emphasizing its connection with several ideas developed in the book about the nature and function of a system of international human rights. When it incorporates those ideas, Buchanan’s ‘Metacoordination View’ can be seen to set a standard of legitimacy not only for assessments of an international scheme of human rights institutions, but also for the basic institutional structures of domestic states. Furthermore, we can see how the nature and function of human rights in the international practice of human rights bears on legitimacy assessments of particular domestic institutions.     

高校大学生契约式管理模式初探

随着社会主义市场经济体制的建立和初步完善,高等教育改革的深化,依法治国方略的实施,高等学校的传统管理模式受到了严峻的挑战。探索适应新形势的高校学生管理模式,是各高校极为关注并积极探索的一个新问题。建立契约式管理模式,以确保学校和学生双方权益需要为目的,界定学校和学生之间的权利义务关系是当前高校学生管理的必然选择。     

大学生契约式管理模式的建构

建立一种合理的契约式管理模式,界定高校和大学生之间的权利义务关系,是当前高校学生管理的必然选择。笔者认为,高校与大学生之间存在两种契约关系,针对契约性质的不同,应当明确双方的权利和义务,并建构相应的管理模式。     

Competing Knowledge Systems in the Management of Fish and Forests in the Pacific Northwest

In this paper I investigate the interaction of knowledge and institutions in the context of First Nations in the Pacific Northwest of Canada who have evolved management systems for fish and forest resources over hundreds of years. These management systems are viewed as institutions that are based on and apply knowledge systems over time. In the Nisga'a and Haida nations, knowledge systems guide management regimes that govern access, rights and responsibilities, harvesting, allocation of benefits and costs, technology, education and training. For the past hundred years these institutions and knowledge systems have come into conflict with knowledge and management systems imposed first by missionaries, settlers and colonizers and later from Provincial and National governments and corporations holding tenure rights assigned by those governments. National and international regimes such as the Law of the Seas and the Exclusive Economic Zones conflict with traditional institutions and knowledge systems by privileging one level of governance and consequently one form of knowledge and devaluing others. The paper is based on research conducted in the Pacific Northwest over the past eight years, primarily through interviews with elders, decision-makers, and resource users, as well as observation of cultural and resource practices. The research investigated the impacts of conflicting knowledge systems and the attempts to resolve those conflicts. The paper raises questions about knowledge systems and institutions, about institutional interplay, and the impact of international institutions on local institutions as they come into contact and conflict.     

公司分立中小股东保护的若干法律问题研究

公司会因各种原因引起分立 ,公司分立中小股东尤其应当给予保护 ,小股东应享有异议估价权、股份收买请求权、不作为及损害赔偿等请求权。我国在未来公司立法中应引入累积投票权、股东派生诉讼及股东投票权排除等制度以保护小股东的权益。     

人权的全球化:概念与维度

人权全球化是当代国际社会的主要现象之一。它不仅仅意味着人权制度的跨国作用 ,而且也意味着人权思想、学说、意识的跨国交流。在人权国际化的过程中 ,宜以人道主义和权利本位为出发点 ,以文明间的共存和可持续发展为准则 ,在其发展过程中 ,应当以国际合作为主导方式 ,不能包罗万象的建构国际人权体系 ,另外应重视人权谱系的全面性。在此前提下 ,构筑共同的人权高标准不仅是必要的 ,而且是可能的     

State‐Sponsored Homophobia and the Denial of the Right of Assembly in Central and Eastern Europe: The “Boomerang” and the “Ricochet” between European Organizations and Civil Society to Uphold Human Rights

State‐sponsored homophobia emerged in certain Central and Eastern European states in the past decade, with the denial of the right of assembly for gay pride marches. However, more recently there has been progress in the recognition of the fundamental democratic right of assembly. What accounts for this progress in fulfilling commitments enshrined in the European human rights treaties? This article proposes that the response of European organizations, in particular the Council of Europe and the European Union, as well as human rights nongovernmental organizations working in collaboration with local civil society organizations, have been critical to this progress. Previous literature has described a “boomerang” effect, in which aggrieved citizens use transnational activist networks to publicize human rights violations and put pressure on governments to fulfill their international legal commitments. To understand the functioning and effectiveness of the “boomerang” we introduce the concept of the “ricochet”—a process in which various institutions and civil society rapidly exchange information as well as political and legal argumentation. We posit that the ricochet is an integral process in the development of a European consensus on the human rights recognized by the European Court of Human Rights. Four cases have been selected for empirical analysis: Poland, Latvia, Serbia, and Russia. In analyzing the ricochet of information and argumentation between institutions and civil society, we find the consensus has been framed around the right of assembly, instead of the more contested area of human rights and sexual orientation.     

The Concept of Rights in Contemporary Human Rights Discourse

In a variety of disciplines, there exists a consensus that human rights are individual claim rights that all human beings possess simply as a consequence of being human. That consensus seems to me to obscure the real character of the concept and hinder the progress of discussion. I contend that rather than thinking of human rights in the first instance as “claim rights” possessed by individuals, we should regard human rights as higher order norms that articulate standards of legitimacy for sociopolitical and legal institutions.     

Building a post-war justice system in Afghanistan

This paper examines key dimensions of justice in post–war Afghanistan. These areshari'a(Islamic law), traditional institutions of informal justice (jirga), the Afghan interim legal framework, and human rights principles. It is argued that despite their apparent incompatibility, these various dimensions of justice could be integrated within a coherent framework of a new justice system in post–war Afghanistan –– a framework that would promote interaction between local institutions of informal justice and a district level court of justice, on the one hand, and between these two and a proposed human rights unit, on the other. On the basis of this analysis, an experimental model of a system of justice is proposed, which integrates local jirga and human rights units into the existing formal justice (based on shari'a and positive law) and law–enforcement institutions. This experimental model provides a multi–dimensional framework that both reflects the cultural and religious values of Afghan society, and at the same time, has the capacity to draw on human rights principles. It is maintained that the model has the capacity to deliver justice expeditiously and in cost–effective ways; it also has a strong potential to act as a channel of communication between ordinary people and a modern participatory state in post–war Afghanistan. However, in order to test the applicability of this model in the real world, it needs first to be thoroughly discussed among Afghan and international legal experts as well as among ordinary Afghan people, and then piloted in selected districts in Afghanistan.     

Rights and Resources—Libertarians and the Right to Life

The author addresses Robert Nozick's claim that: “The particular rights over things fill the space of rights, leaving no room for general rights to be in a certain material condition.” Hence Nozick insists that rights are violated if citizens are compelled to contribute to others' welfare, however urgent their needs may be. The author argues that it is characteristic of libertarian theories that they invoke the moral sanctity of private property against welfarist or egalitarian conceptions of social justice. Nozick's version of the libertarian critique has three conceptual pillars–“right,”“thing” and “space.” On that basis Nozick claims that talk of welfare “rights” can be condemned on the plane of rights. This is true, Nozick maintains, even of “the right to life.” The author contends that this argument fails. It equivocates over the idea of “rights”; and it misconceives crucial features of property. Nozick deploys exclusive “domain rights,” whilst attacking “important‐interest rights.” His historical‐entitlement theory fails as a justification of private property. The author argues that, so far as material objects are concerned, private property institutions depend upon trespassory rules which do not impose morally binding obligations unless basic needs are catered for. Furthermore, private property institutions also comprise monetary resources to which the spatial metaphor of exclusive rights does not apply. Holdings vested in any particular person at any particular time are stamped, morally, with a mix of contestable and mutable property‐specific justice reasons. Hence it is fallacious to suppose that ownership rights together exhaust all normative space over “things.” The major objection to speaking of everyone's having a right to various things such as equality of opportunity, life, and so on, and enforcing this right, is that these “rights” require a substructure of things and materials and actions; and other people may have rights and entitlements over these. [≡] The particular rights over things fill the space of rights, leaving no room for general rights to be in a certain material condition. (Nozick 1974, 238)     

新兴权利论纲

当代中国社会主义法治建设的历史画卷不断展开的过程在法律层面的一个显著体现就是各种新兴权利不断展现的过程。新兴权利之新既可以从以时间和空间为核心的形式标准来判定,又可以从权利的主体、客体、内容和情景为核心的实质标准来判定。新兴权利的产生在根本上乃是因应社会的发展而在法律制度需求上的自然反应,而新兴权利与旧有权利之间的冲突和协调不仅始终贯穿于法律权利实践的始终,而且彰显着权利发展的真实样态。     

Liberal Rights versus Islamic Law? The Construction of a Binary in Malaysian Politics

Why are liberal rights and Islamic law understood in binary and exclusivist terms at some moments, but not others? In this study, I trace when, why, and how an Islamic law versus liberal rights binary emerged in Malaysian political discourse and popular legal consciousness. I find that Malaysian legal institutions were hardwired to produce vexing legal questions, which competing groups of activists transformed into compelling narratives of injustice. By tracing the development of this spectacle in the courtroom and beyond, I show how the dueling binaries of liberal rights versus Islamic law, individual rights versus collective rights, and secularism versus religion were contingent on institutional design and political agency, rather than irreconcilable tensions between liberal rights and the Islamic legal tradition in some intrinsic sense. More broadly, the research contributes to our understanding of how popular legal consciousness is shaped by legal mobilization and countermobilization beyond the court of law.     

Bargaining in the Shadow of Social Institutions: Competing Discourses and Social Change in Workplace Mobilization of Civil Rights

The Family and Medical Leave Act requires employers to provide job-protected leave, but little is known about how these leave rights operate in practice or how they interact with other normative systems to construct the meaning of leave. Drawing on interviews with workers who negotiated contested leaves, this study examines how social institutions influence workplace mobilization of these rights. I find that leave rights remain embedded within institutionalized conceptions of work, gender, and disability that shape workers' perceptions, preferences, and choices about mobilizing their rights. I also find, however, that workers can draw on law as a culture discourse to challenge these assumptions, to build coalitions, and to renegotiate the meaning of leave.