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1.
论郑和远航在中非关系史上的意义   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文从郑和远航以前的中非关系、郑和远航与中非关系以及郑和非洲之行留下的疑问等三个方面探讨了郑和远航在中非关系史上的意义.中非关系源远流长,郑和远航将这一关系推至一个新的巅峰.在郑和之行与非洲的关系上,作者就郑和非洲之行的肇始、航线、结果、影响与意义阐述了自己的看法.作者认为,郑和的非洲之行至少在6个方面留下了疑问,这些问题都在待于在今后的研究中寻求答案.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

Three years ago in this journal, James Peck argued that “the professional ideology of America’s China watchers” has tended to blind them to certain approaches to modern Chinese history that might be labelled “revolutionary Marxist” interpretations. As an example, Peck argued that the China watchers have explained China’s nineteenth and early twentieth century difficulties (prolonged economic and military weakness, failed reforms and revolutions) by reference to internal factors (culture, social structure), while a revolutionary Marxist perspective would seek explanations in the effects of imperialism. He provided several examples of the types of effects imperialism may have had on China: “The power of the metropolitan countries to block the formation of vital domestic industries in the dependent countries competitive with their own operations; the domination of mercantile over industrial capital; and the subordination of the economic life of a dependent nation to the severe fluctuations of the primary commodities market.” But he did not have space in his article, which was primarily concerned with a critique of existing work in the China field, to provide a fuller outline of what the imperialism approach to modern China might involve.  相似文献   

3.
张永福是南洋华侨民主革命的先驱,早年为支持孙中山革命不遗余力.但抗日战争时期,却拥护汪精卫投敌叛国,为世人所不耻.本文论述了张永福的生平及政治活动,分析其拥汪叛国的几点原因,并对其一生作了简要评述.  相似文献   

4.
Wachman  Alan M. 《East Asia》2005,22(2):31-55
Carto-philatelic imagery illustrates that the “mental map” of China underlying territorial policies of the People's Republic of China is constructed, contingent, and impermanent. Although it has claimed Taiwan by asserting primordial sovereignty, declaring the island to have been part of China “since ancient times,” the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not always viewed the island as part of China. Although it recognized the independence of Mongolia in 1950, before it came to power as the government of the state the CCP envisioned Mongolia as part of China. Postage stamps issued in territories governed by the CCP before 1949 juxtaposed to stamps issued by the Republic of China government affirm what documents suggest: that China's boundaries have not been immutable and have been highly contested by Chinese political elite. This should prompt readers to view with skepticism categorical claims about China's sovereignty and “territorial integrity.”  相似文献   

5.
This article seeks to shed more light on the consequences of China's aid to and trade with African states. It attempts to answer two questions: First, does China's ‘no-strings-attached’ policy in Africa constitute a challenge to Western aid paradigms? Second, is there as an emerging state-sponsored Chinese model of ‘effective governance’, guided by a south-south vision of mutuality, equality and reciprocity at work? It is argued that China's Africa watchers are cautious, not wanting to project any false hopes into bilateral relationships with African countries. In the light of China's reform experience, these analysts propose that indigenous contexts should determine what developmental model to choose. China is unwilling to force its experiences of ‘a market economy with Chinese characteristics’ upon other nations. The article concludes by arguing that, although not unproblematic, there is reason to be positive about China's higher profile in Africa.  相似文献   

6.
侨乡研究长期以来一直是中国华侨华人研究的重要内容,但经过20多年的发展,其研究的瓶颈开始显现,主要表现为缺少理论体系的支撑.郑一省教授的<多重网络的渗透与扩张--海外华侨华人与闽粤侨乡互动关系研究>一书力图从侨乡研究最薄弱的理论环节入手,在"网络学"等相关理论的基础上,提出"多重网络"概念和理论,对海外华人与侨乡关系研究进行了理论上的新探索,"从理论上弥补了侨乡研究的不足",也对推动华侨华人学科的理论建设起到积极的作用.  相似文献   

7.
Starting from issues Wang Hui raises in “The Dialectics of Autonomy and Opening” (Critical Asian Studies 43:2), the authors of this article focus on the problematic coexistence of continuities and discontinuities in modern and contemporary Chinese politics. China's present role in the international scene, they argue, cannot be assessed in terms of economic performance, but requires new perspectives for rethinking the search of China for an original path in domestic politics, as well as the universalistic attitude toward the various forms of thinking coming from all over the world.  相似文献   

8.
本文试对12集电视纪录片《飘在美国》所反映出的当代美国华侨华人重视自身研究的现象进行分析,阐述了华侨华人重视自身研究的意义。文章认为,华侨华人重视自身的研究,对于促进中西文化交流、增强民族认同意识、加强与主流社会的沟通、增进各族群之间的了解,乃至改善国际关系、构建“持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界”具有十分深远的意义。  相似文献   

9.
James Peck 《亚洲研究》2013,45(1):59-98
Abstract

This portrayal of China by one of the most respected intellectuals ever to emerge from the shadowy labyrinth of the American diplomatic establishment mirrors twenty years of concentrated work by American China scholars. Not every China expert would accept all of Kennan's assumptions or express them in such strident form. Yet over the last two decades the China profession has evolved a style of thought, a mode of asking questions, which has largely substantiated such views in both the public and scholarly worlds. The majority of China watchers have pleaded for “tolerance” and “patience” towards the People's Republic as she gradually learns, aided by a flexible American containment policy, to “adjust” to the “international community of nations” and the “rationalizing” qualities implicit in the “modernization” process. While protesting against certain aspects of America's foreign policy toward China, however, their thought and work has reinforced, at times deepened, the ideological justifications that support America's role in Asia and her attitudes towards China.  相似文献   

10.
This article provides a theoretical framework for analyzing the recruitment and selection of legislative candidates in Latin America. It argues that political recruitment and candidate selection are undertheorized for Latin America yet have determinative impacts on political systems, often overriding the influence of more commonly studied institutional variables. The article elucidates a typology of legislative candidates based on the legal and party variables that lead to the emergence of particular selection methods, as well as the patterns of loyalty generated by those methods. It analyzes the recruitment and selection processes as independent and dependent variables, underscoring the significant effect these procedures have on the incentive structure and subsequent behavior of legislators. Those factors, in turn, have important consequences for democratic governability and the performance of presidentialism.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

In Your Western Regions, My Turkestan (2007), Chinese dissident Wang Lixiong warned of the ‘Palestinization’ of the Xinjiang question, defined as reaching ‘a critical point in time’ where Uyghurs and Han Chinese enter an interminable ‘ethnic war’. Following the knife attack on Han civilians in Kunming (2014), seen by many as an act of Uyghur terror, Wang reminded us that he had foreseen this trajectory seven years earlier. This article outlines Wang’s six interpretations of ‘Palestinization’ in the Xinjiang context, then shows how tightened regulations on religion and intrusive religious policing was the main catalyst for local retaliatory violence in 2012–2015. I contend that state securitization of religion was counterproductive, heightening societal insecurity and promoting inter-ethnic conflict between Uyghur and Han communities. In Chen Quanguo’s era of ‘de-extremification’, the state’s purported attempt to ‘purify’ Islamic practice continues to be experienced on the ground as violation of pure, halal space.  相似文献   

12.
程希 《东南亚研究》2005,18(1):73-78
本文指出了自中国改革开放以来国内外对于华侨华人研究日趋关注的现象,认为这主要是由持不同立场的学者对华侨华人与中国关系的认识引起的.文章从四个方面探讨了华侨华人的"特殊性"及其与中国的关系,认为对于华侨华人"特殊性"的认识,有助于更好地理解华侨华人作为移民群体所具有的个案意义,从而引发对移民所具有的"普遍性"的思考,同时也有助于进一步消除关于华侨华人研究的政治敏感性,并拓宽华侨华人研究的视野.  相似文献   

13.
This article analyzes the developmental impact of two of the earliest investments made by Chinese companies in South America, the Shougang Corporation's mining activities in Peru and Andes Petroleum's oil extraction operations in Ecuador. The article draws attention to the importance of contextualizing and disaggregating instances of Chinese resource‐based investment in order to adequately grasp the complexity of processes that are contingent to particular regimes of natural resource governance, companies' backgrounds, and the strength and nature of local reactions, among other factors. It thereby encourages a critical examination of Chinese investment in South America that explores how the characteristics of that investment are reshaped by the long and contested histories of resource extraction in the region, the promotion of and resistance to particular visions of development, the agency of multiply situated and complex actors, and the wider transnational production networks in which resource extraction processes are embedded.  相似文献   

14.
15.
论郑和与东南亚的伊斯兰教   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
郑和出身于穆斯林世家,他在国内从事多种伊斯兰教活动。关于郑和在海外传播伊斯兰教一事,中国史籍上没有涉及,但海外却有不少这方面的记载和传说。本文联系当时东南亚的社会背景介绍了海外有关记载,并分析了长期以来中外学者关于郑和在海外传播伊斯兰教的研究很少的原因。作者认为,七下西洋期间,郑和在完成明廷使命之余,在海外传播伊斯兰教是完全可能的。海外有关的记载和传说,固然尚待进一步考证,但毕竟为我们提供了十分宝贵的线索, 有助于我们了解郑和下西洋的全面情况,尤其是他在15世纪东南亚伊斯兰教发展过程中的作用。如事实确凿,这也是中国与东南亚文化交流的组成部分。  相似文献   

16.
This essay works through some of the necessary preliminary questions in thinking about Soviet colonialism in the Baltics. It opens by tracing the prehistory of critical thinking about Soviet colonialism in the 1960s and considers why the topic of Soviet colonialism has not (or not yet) become a dominant way to understand Soviet history. The central question posed by the article is whether one can speak about the Soviet invasions of the Baltic States as ‘colonization’. It proposes that, initially, communist Russia did not in fact seek to colonize the Baltic States and instead ‘occupied’ them; however, this initial period of occupation later developed into a period of a colonial rule.  相似文献   

17.
构建"中国学派"的国际关系理论是一个歧见丛生、远未成型、前景未卜的话题。即便如此,对于其已经表现出来的具有较大影响的观念基础进行反思并不为时过早。通过从两个角度对"中国学派"背后所体现的观念进行比较,可以发现,"中国学派"面临的观念困境在于:如果我们批判西方作为深层差异之外在表现成果的国际关系理论,是否会株连到该内核的其他优势方面?在主张中国观念价值的同时,如何避免其潜在的弊端与危害?在中国社会改革持续深入的背景下,只有在社会改革的进程中实现了文化、文明和思想层面的崛起及民族精神革新之后,才能为国际关系理论的"中国学派"提供思想的活水源头。换言之,对理论的建构者而言,与其循着西方国际关系理论的弊端而思考建构理论,不如立足于思考中国民众所面临的问题——关于如何塑造强大的积极的个体、如何保持民族持续的发展和进步,进而思考我们理想的世界是什么样的。这些问题虽然看起来与国际关系理论相去稍远,但却能够保证理论应用的品质及其价值维度。  相似文献   

18.
The chaebol’s organisational culture was the target of much criticism when the Asian financial crisis hit the Korean economy in 1997. Despite much research on the topic over the past two decades, there continues to be a lack of consensus on the efficacy of reforms implemented since then. While some have focused on persisting patterns of paternalism, others have highlighted the structural changes implemented. This article revisits this debate by analysing the ways in which culture influences the implementation of structural reforms as a legitimating ideology. By analysing ethnographic data of a chaebol subsidiary in Beijing, the article demonstrates how cultural tropes of the company as a family and women as caretakers, popularised under the Park Chung Hee regime, have continued to shape perceptions of competence in the workplace. In particular, despite the crucial role that Korean Chinese employees have played in helping the chaebol penetrate Chinese markets, their bilingual and bicultural skills are devalued. Instead, the feminisation of their labour has justified their continuing marginalisation in the firm.  相似文献   

19.
《美韩自由贸易协定》达成后,其进展并不顺利。经过两次追加谈判,历时四年多,最终获得美韩两国国会的批准。本文以2011年2月10日美韩双方签署的新协定为切入点,首先论述了《美韩自由贸易协定》的新变化及其实质,进而从理论和实证两方面对这种新变化背后美国国内政治的动态博弈进行了阐述。通过分析,充分再现了美国国内政治博弈对《美韩自由贸易协定》的内容和走向施加影响的过程,并由此看出,美国政治体制的掣肘已经成为美国迫使对方做出妥协或更大让步以实现自身利益最大化的筹码。  相似文献   

20.
China currently enjoys a peaceful national security environment, yet the People’s Liberation Army is preparing for an unsettled future that involves various conflictual contingencies around China’s periphery. The PLA’s force structure, deployments, expenditures, and training are all being geared to a new doctrine that emphasizes peripheral defense in support of a diversified range of potential regional threats to China’s definitions of its national security. This articles examines these perceived threats and delineates the doctrinal changes in Chinese military thinking in recent years. It also discusses ways in which China’s new military posture may disrupt international politics in the Asian region. He is author ofThe Making of a Premier: Zhao Ziyang’s Provincial Career (1984) andBeautiful Imperialist: China Perceives America, 1972–1990 (1991).  相似文献   

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