The Indonesian crisis and beyond

The crisis in Indonesia is first and foremost a political crisis that has been exposed and complicated by the financial crisis, says Jusuf Wanandi, Chairman of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta. The riots of 14 and 15 May 1998 forced President Soeharto to transfer power to his vice‐president, B. J. Habibie. However, because Habibie lacks credibility and legitimacy as a leader, he has been considered from the outset a transition figure. There is great hope that the general elections in June 1999 will solve the questions about the legitimacy of the government, and restore stability, security, and economic development throughout Indonesia, but there are still many obstacles to overcome if the elections are to be held on schedule. Furthermore, if the election results are not deemed fair, a political upheaval will likely occur. Indonesia, Wanandi says, cannot afford any further mistakes.     

Japan's fiscal policy and the East Asian financial crisis

Japanese economic policy has been identified as one possible cause of the East Asian financial crisis that began in July 1997. In this article, Yoichi Okita, Professor of Economics at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Tokyo, discusses Japan's role in the recovery of East Asian economies. Can and should Japan contribute to that recovery? To what extent is the recession in Japan an important cause of slow recovery in the region? Okita explores and develops the concept of economic policy coordination. Although changes in the Japanese economy were not the origin of the East Asian crisis, he says, prolonged stagnation in Japan is, nevertheless, a drag on the economies that are in trouble. However, one country's fiscal actions alone cannot solve the crisis; rather, all countries in the region should work together to redress the problem.     

Japan's democracy in crisis: The new tide in Japanese politics

Since August 1993, when Morihiro Hosakawa inaugurated his “anti‐LDP” coalition, unstable coalitions have held power in Japan. Popular displeasure with the current state of politics has been evidenced by voter volatility and low electoral turnouts. In two notable cases, “flash candidates “ have assumed office, and, in some local elections, candidates have run unopposed. What does this listless version of dissent bode for Japanese politics? IIPS Research Director Seizaburo Sato is Professor at the Saitama University Graduate School of Policy Science. In this article, he maps out the issues that have left post‐Cold War Japanese politics in disarray and examines various potential scenarios, from a “super party “ larger than the LDP at its zenith, to the birth of a two‐party system.     

新自由主义与世界经济危机

2008-2010年世界经济金融危机,并不单纯是由美国次贷市场的崩溃所引发的,其根源深植于新自由主义的资本主义。目前现存的国际制度体系与其说有助于全球秩序,不如说催生了全球混乱。应该从根本上重建日益相互依存的世界经济所赖以运行的制度架构。未来世界的经济,即相互关联的全球经济,需要的是能够进行包括政治在内的全球协调的制度。     

Japan-Asia economic relations: Trade, investment, and the economic crisis

Japan has been and will continue to be an important economic player in the Asian region through its internationalization policy involving trade, foreign investments, aid, technical and other forms of economic cooperation. More recently, despite its own domestic problems, Japan has extended financial and other forms of assistance and support to the Asian economies which have been hit by the economic crisis. As it is in its interests that the Asian region survives and recover, Japan will indeed continue to lend a helping hand to Asia, either through unilateral or multilateral forms of assistance or both. Due to growing interdependence, Asia needs Japan and Japan needs Asia. This article analyzes Japan's economic relations with Asia. In particular, it hopes to present an overview of Japan’s involvement in Asia through trade and investments prior to the Asian economic crisis which began in July 1997. Moreover, this article provides an assessment of the crisis and identifies Japan’s responses and involvement towards the economic recovery of the crisis-hit economies in the region. The article draws from earlier versions of various papers presented at conferences and seminars in Washington, D.C. (1997), Japan and Mexico (1998), and Singapore and Thailand (1999).     

Singapore: Recent developments in terrorism and Japan's role

The threat of terrorism to Singapore remains serious, given the spread of radical ideology in Southeast Asia. Aware that it is a prime terrorist target, Singapore's response has been the most vigorous of all the states in the region. It has instituted a comprehensive homeland security structure, stepped up security cooperation with the USA and has been at the forefront of many US-led counter-terrorism initiatives in the region. Japan's regional role is important as Japan cannot opt out of the global war on terrorism given its huge stake in the security of the Straits of Malacca and the stability of the littoral states. Japan's contribution lies in capacity building, in helping states build up their indigenous counter-terrorism capabilities. Japan also needs to take a much more proactive, strategic role in the Malay archipelago in regional “hearts and minds” strategies to counter radical ideology, as well as develop functional security linkages.     

浅析新秩序时期后的印尼伊斯兰教

印尼是伊斯兰教徒最多的国家 ,伊斯兰问题在印尼向来是比较敏感的。新秩序之后 ,伊斯兰问题尤为突出 :内部派别矛盾加剧 ,各政党四分五裂 ;在外则与基督教之间的冲突和骚乱此起彼伏。印尼国家及民族的统一和团结正经受严峻的考验 ,印尼的伊斯兰面临艰难的抉择。     

Three major twentieth century trends and Japan's future role

Three trends—nationalism, industrialization, and egalitarianism—have been predominant in the twentieth century, according to Seizaburo Sato, professor of political science at Saitama University and research director at IIPS. Each of these trends has created its own unique problems that demand new solutions, Sato explains. In this new global environment Japan must overcome the trauma of World War II, argues Sato, and play an active international role that contributes economically, culturally, and even militarily to the strengthening and expansion of the security community and the promotion of sustainable industrialization.     

印尼华人与2014 年印尼大选

1998年以来印尼华人积极参政,至今已成为印尼政治发展的一股重要力量。2014年印尼大选,华人选民受到印尼主要政党的高度重视,不仅纷纷派出华人候选人,个别政党还邀请华人搭档竞选总统副总统。华人积极参与国会选举,成绩显著,广大华人选民倾力支持的佐科维成功当选总统,凸显了华人选票的影响力。在印尼不断推进政治民主和族群和谐的大环境中,印尼华人参政的良好势头,将持续发展。     

Korea’s regional economic role

Conclusions The deepening of economic integration in Northeast Asia and East Asia as a whole will be a major dynamic of change that will accelerate in the coming years, and the ROK is well positioned to play a number of critical roles in the way that this process unfolds. There are limits, however, on what can feasibly be expected. Korea's ambitions to be a larger regional player should be tempered by political and market realism. Continuing efforts to improve the business environment in the ROK to attract FDI will need to accompany efforts to expand regional roles. It also seems inevitable that coordination of political and security dimensions to the US-ROK relationship with the implications of the ROK's growing regional economic activities and relationships will become more complex and demanding on both countries in the future, and both should be prepared for this likelihood.     

马来西亚的印尼劳工问题

印尼劳工大量流入马来西亚,并构成亚洲劳工移民的重要组成部分。20世纪90年代,马来西亚取代沙特阿拉伯成为印尼劳工海外移民最多的国家。随着在马来西亚的印尼劳工数量的不断增加,特别是非法印尼劳工的增加,在马来西亚的印尼劳工问题越来越受到马来西亚政府、媒体和民众的关注,甚至影响到两国的外交关系,成为危及两国关系的非传统安全问题。本文将探讨在马来西亚的印尼劳工的基本状况、印尼劳工流入马来西亚的原因、非法印尼劳工进入马来西亚的途径以及印尼劳工问题对两国关系的影响。     

Japan's rights in Manchuria

The Chinese ‐ a Study of a Hong Kong Community. By Cornelius Osgood. University of Arizona Press, Tucson, Arizona, 1976 (3 vols.). Pp. 1264. Preface. Appendix. Illus‐. Index. $45.00.

The Government and Politics of Hong Kong. By N. J. Miners. Oxford University Press (East Asian Social Science Monographs), Hong Kong 1975; New York, Melbourne, London, 1976. Pp. xiv+288. Appendices, Bibliog. Index. £8.50 (£5.95 paperback).

Chinese Labour under British Rule. By Joe England and John Rear. Oxford University Press (East Asian Social Science Monographs) Hong Kong, 1975; New York, Melbourne, London, 1976. Pp. xvi+368. Appendices. Index. £10.00 (£7.50 paperback).     

苏哈托时期印度尼西亚的林业政策

苏哈托时期,印度尼西亚政府主要推行伐木特许权制、发展木材加工业和实施工业林种植计划等三项林业政策。以促进经济增长为导向的林业政策使印度尼西亚一度成为原木和胶合板出口大国,但亦导致加重森林滥伐,忽视外岛森林部族的利益。苏哈托时期的林业政策是特定政治经济制度结构的产物,既服务于"新秩序"时期推行的粗放型经济增长方式,又是以苏哈托为代表的爪哇军事精英及其商业盟友、环境保护主义者、地方森林部族等理性人博弈的结果。苏哈托时期的林业政策是后苏哈托时期林业政策的逻辑起点,后来的印尼政府致力于寻求经济社会发展与生态文明建设的协调统一。     

Japan's ODA in the 21st century

In this article, Atsushi Kusano, Professor of Policy Management at Keio University, Tokyo, discusses the challenges facing the Japanese government as it continues its active promotion of official development assistance (ODA). The government is being exposed to competing pressures from the domestic and international communities. In response to these pressures, Professor Kusano argues that the Japanese government should improve the transparency of its ODA program, think strategically and set clear priorities for assistance, and incr ease public understanding and support. However, the future of Japan's ODA program, he says, depends not only on the efforts of the Japanese government, but also on the positive action by the people of Japan and by developing countries themselves.     

浅析日本的中亚外交

从20世纪90年代初日本与中亚各国建立外交关系以来,其中亚外交经历了起步、发展和加速发展三个阶段,近来展露出了强劲的势头.除经济原因外,实现"政治大国"的战略目标、争夺中亚的油气资源和遏制中俄是日本积极发展中亚外交的原因所在.日本发展中亚外交有其经济技术上的优势,但也有不利的因素.     

Explaining Japan's Fragile Premierships in the Post-Koizumi Era

After Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's highly successful rule, Japan saw the five short-lived premierships ?C Shinzo Abe, Yasuo Fukuda, Taro Aso, Yukio Hatoyama, and Naoto Kan ?C over the period of five years (2006-11). This article aims to identify the causes of this unusually high frequency of Japan's leadership changes in recent times. Specifically, it finds that all post-Koizumi prime ministers lost power after a short tenure by following the same pattern of demise that was characterized by a rapid fall of approval rate in the media's polls. It argues that they fell into this pattern of failure for the same three reasons: their failure in economic policy; their poor leadership ability derived from the vanishing of the traditional career path to premiership; their unstable intraparty foothold caused by the transition from candidate-centered election to party-centered election. It argues that the politics under the Koizumi and post-Koizumi cabinets share important undercurrents despite their apparent differences.