Review essay: What of tomorrow's stranger?

From Aliens to Citizens: Redefining the Status of Immigrants in Europe. Rainer Bauböck (Ed.), 1994, Aldershot/Brookfield, Avebury, 233 pp., pbk. ISBN 1 85972 059 5

The Challenge of Diversity: Integration and Pluralism in Societies of Immigration Rainer Bauböck, Agnes Heller, Aristide R. Zolberg (Eds), 1996, Aldershot/Brookfield, Avebury, 279 pp., pbk. ISBN 1 85972 401 9     

Dilemmas of citizenship: Recent literature on citizenship and Europe

Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe. David Cescarani and Mary Fulbrook (Eds), London, Routledge, 1996, hbk and pbk, pp. 225

Citizenship, Europe and Change. Paul Close, London, Macmillan, 1995, hbk and pbk, pp. 335

Citizenship and Democratic Control in Contemporary Europe. Barbara Einhorn, Mary Kaldor and Zenek Kavan (Eds), Cheltenham, Edgar Elgar, 1997, hbk, pp. 239

Citizenship, Democracy and Justice in the New Europe. Percy Lehning and Albert Weale (Eds), London, Routledge, 1997, hbk and pbk, pp. 212     

Citizenship—the real democratic deficit of the European union? 1

Given the pressures of globalisation, the nation state is limited in its control over public policy agendas, particularly in the field of social policy. The response of domestic governments to the heat of international competition has been to create more flexible, post‐welfare state economies. A significant consequence of this development is the removal of social rights and the acceleration of social exclusion. This gap which has opened up could be filled by the European Union, but it has so far failed to take a leading role in this regard.

So, as European citizens we should be concerned that the forces which operate to balance the harsher effects of the free market have been lost at the European, supranational level. There are three central reasons why this is the case: (1) the European Union consists of 15 member states with competing, historically rooted understandings of social protection and, therefore, social rights; (2) defining social rights is traditionally a state‐derived function and as such, the absence of an EU state means the absence of comprehensive citizen protection; (3) these two factors are magnified by the relative weakness of the supranational institutions and democratic deficit between the key EU institutions (weak vis‐à‐vis member state governments and with regard to the supremacy of the market).

The combination of these problems has meant that the European Union has not taken the primary role in providing the kind of social protection that we used to enjoy in the domestic context. The result of this is a situation in which the market is determining both the level and even the kind of rights that we are entitled to, thus we are citizens of a European market and not of a European state.

As a state‐derived function, and without a European state, social and citizen rights are being neglected. As a consequence, unless citizen protection is developed through an intergovernmental or supranational framework, it is difficult to see how governments can honour their responsibility to safeguard their people.     

Collective identities,public spheres,civil society and citizenship in the contemporary era – with some observations on the Israeli scene

This paper falls into two sections. In the first certain macro-social changes that have transformed the nature of collective identities in the modern period are considered. In the second, how these have had an impact on Israeli society is considered.

In the contemporary era there have been taking place in Europe – indeed throughout the world – far-reaching changes and transformation of public spheres, civil society and conceptions of citizenship, in close relation to the crystallization of new patterns of collective identity – processes which entail far-reaching transformations of some aspects of what has been envisaged as the ‘classical’ nation-state or the decomposition of some of its components.

These far-reaching changes, decline or transformation of the ideological and institutional premises of the modern nation state developed in a specific historical context. The most important characteristic of this new context was the combination of first, changes in the international systems and shifts of hegemonies within them; second, processes of internal ideological changes in Western societies; third, the development of new processes of globalization; and fourth, far-reaching processes of democratization, of the growing demands of various social sectors for access into the centers of their respective societies, as well as into international arenas.     

The changing character of national borders

At the end of the twentieth century, the pace of change in the international system is increasing. New actors and even new categories of actors are emerging. Some have a strong impact on international relations, thus competing with the traditional type of international actor, the sovereign nation‐state. One salient feature of the nation‐state is its power to control its borders. In the process of globalization, this power is being disintegrated.

In some respects, national borders have completely lost their relevance, owing to certain adverse ecological developments like the degradation of the ozone layer and other virtually global threats. They are equally of limited use in influencing the speed and content of some trade operations concerning goods or currencies or the free flow of media information.

They however continue to function in a rather efficient way for people. Immigration laws and certain other procedures of the ‘rich’ countries tend to distinguish between wanted and unwanted immigrants. Due to various catastrophies and disasters, wide‐spread violence and the anticipation of a bleak economic future, the number of migrants continues to grow rapidly, as does the pressure from migrants from the ‘poor’ and densely populated countries of the world on the borders of the ‘rich’ countries. This is a multi‐dimensional development with political, economic, but also moral aspects.     

Environmental Activism of Teacher-Scholars in the Neoliberal University

This article takes a case study approach to examine social justice-oriented environmental activism of faculty in the context of neoliberalism. As an evolving trend, university corporatization places new economic burdens on universities and their students and has contributed to a tenuous landscape for faculty in terms of academic freedom and job security. In particular, we examine a faculty-led response to hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, at the University of Northern Colorado in Greeley, Colorado. Drawing on participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and campus-wide survey data, we document this response as a “tempered grassroots leadership” approach to workplace inquiry and activism. We discuss both the opportunities and limitations of promoting more transparent, informed, and inclusive decision-making on campus via internal and tempered activism strategies. Ultimately, this case presents lessons learned regarding social change practices of teacher-scholar-activists on college campuses. These experiences are especially germane in the “Trump era” of top-down and socially regressive decision-making.

Abbreviations: IHE: Institutions of Higher Education, TGL: tempered grassroots leadership, UNCO: University of Northern Colorado, HFTF: Hydrofracturing Task Force, NAS: National Association of Scholars.     

How to Teach Political Advice: Bringing the Daily Life of the Minister Into the Classroom

During four intensive summer weeks, 28 students were exposed to the daily life of top political leaders (ministers and city mayors), acting as their political advisors. Real-life assignments were planned in cooperation with liaisons from the personal offices of these political leaders. The cases brought the hectic, complicated and uncertain life of political leaders into the classroom, and exposed students to the real world to an extent that they had never before experienced in a classroom. They were highly stimulated, were forced to cooperate, learned a great deal, and were reactivated as committed students of political science.

The course was based on a mix of pedagogical elements to enhance student learning such as learning by doing, problem solving, critical reflection, student collaboration, prompt feedback, time on task and active learning and applies many of the recommendations of action-based and experiential learning theory.     

Development of an Index of Subsidized Housing Availability and its Relationship to Housing Insecurity

Housing insecurity is a known threat to child health understanding predictors of housing insecurity can help inform policies to protect the health of young children in low-income households. This study sheds light on the relationship between housing insecurity and availability of housing that is affordable to low-income households.

We developed a county-level index of availability of subsidized housing needed to meet the demand of low-income households. Our results estimate that if subsidized units are made available to an additional 5% of the eligible population, the odds of overcrowding decrease by 26% and the odds of families making multiple moves decrease by 31%. Both of these are known predictors of poor child health outcomes. Thus, these results suggest that state and federal investments in expanding the stock of subsidized housing could reduce housing insecurity and thereby also improve the health and well-being of young children, including their families' food security status.     

Rooms for Improvement: A Qualitative Metasynthesis of the Housing Choice Voucher Program

This article synthesizes housing subsidy voucher research to explain why, when in theory vouchers enable users to move out of poor neighborhoods, in practice they often do not. This qualitative meta-analysis presents an examination of the assumptions of the program and their relationship to empirical findings.

Two themes emerged from this synthesis: market barriers and product problems. Data from a variety of studies and contexts portray recipients struggling to use vouchers in the private rental market due to market barriers, including lack of public transportation and the presence of discrimination. Product problems constrained freedom of choice about where to move and when to make a housing transition. These constraints manifest as compromised housing quality and low voucher utilization. This synthetic view cannot account for all outcomes or exceptional cases, but results suggest where participant experiences are generalizable and attributable to features of the housing market and structure of the program itself.     

Measuring party strategies on the territorial dimension: a method based on content analysis

This article proposes an innovative coding scheme for the content analysis of party manifestos, one designed to estimate party strategies on the territorial dimension and based on a solid theoretical framework. It builds on existing scholarly efforts on party positioning, while adding further theoretical and methodological insights. The proposed coding scheme first conceives of party strategies as the combination of three tools, namely the manipulation of salience and positioning and the framing of policy preferences. Second, it points out the importance of distinguishing between purposely vague and ‘blurred' positioning and ‘contradictory' but clear and nuanced positioning.

The functioning of this content analysis framework is illustrated through its application to Italian party manifestos issued between 1963 and 2013. Their analysis provides an overview of the substantive research questions that can be addressed with this coding scheme. This article also illustrates the potential of the instrument, which can be extended to policy dimensions other than the territorial one.     

“They Tried to Bury Us”: Scholar Advocacy in the Wake of the DACA Rescission

On September 5, 2017, the Trump Administration announced that it would rescind the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. Initiated in 2012 via an Executive Order, DACA sought to provide a provisional fix to the legal status of the nation’s growing number of “Dreamers” – the approximately 1.2 million young adults who have lived the majority of their lives in the United States, but were brought into the country without proper entry documentation. The termination of DACA has presented unique challenges for the 241,000 Dreamers currently enrolled in US colleges and universities. While several institutions proudly declared themselves to be “sanctuary campuses,” this paper focuses on a restrained if not conservative, land-grant university, detailing how two faculty members incorporated scholar-activist and community organizing strategies to support a Dreamer-driven institutional response.

Abbreviation DACA:- Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, ICE:- Immigration and Customs Enforcement, USCIS:- United States Citizenship and Immigration Services, CR:- continuing resolution, CHIP:- Children's Health Insurance Program, DHS:- Department of Homeland Security, TPS:- temporary protected status, NMSU:- New Mexico State University, ORS:- Oregon Revised Statues, CSU:- Colorado State University, FTFT:- first-time, full-time     

Housing Choice Voucher Location Patterns a Decade Later

In 2003, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) prepared a study of the location patterns of the Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) program. This study became an important baseline for the evaluation of the HCV program and its ability to serve the goal of poverty deconcentration. The study examined the ability of HCV households in the 50 largest metropolitan areas to make entry to a broad array of neighborhoods and to locate in high-opportunity neighborhoods with low levels of poverty.

New data from HUD and the American Community Survey permit the study to be replicated. We find that vouchers continue to consume only a small portion of the housing stock, with relatively small amounts of spatial concentration. Unfortunately, only about one in five voucher households locate in low-poverty neighborhoods, and this share is rising only very slowly. If the nation wants to pursue poverty deconcentration through the HCV program, we cannot rely on the program, as it is now structured, to accomplish this goal. Additional incentives and constraints will be needed, similar to those that were part of the Gautreaux and Moving to Opportunity programs.     

Factors underlying migration and refugee issues: Responses and cooperation among OECD member states

Human migration over thousands of years has come to be accepted as a natural phenomenon. With the emergence 300 years ago and subsequent legitimization of state sovereignty, controls over the movement and entry of persons into virtually all states have become increasingly prevalent. As the twentieth century concludes, international migratory pressures are more intense than in any previous era. What distinguishes this period from earlier ones is that the supply of willing receiving destinations for would‐be migrants has fallen far behind the demand.

This article sets out to examine the more significant root causes behind international migration, to identify the reasons explaining the rapid rise of migration issues on the agendas of OECD governments, to discuss the varied responses to these pressures from these same governments, and to speculate about how the global migration phenomenon will continue to evolve and what stance will be adopted by concerned governments in both sending and probable and actual receiving states.     

Do associations support authoritarian rule? Evidence from Algeria,Mozambique, and Vietnam

Whether associations help to democratize authoritarian rule or support those in power is a contested issue that so far lacks a cross-regional, comparative perspective. In this article we focus on five types of associations in three post-socialist countries, situated in different world regions, that are governed by authoritarian regimes. We first explore how infrastructural and discursive state power impact such associations and vice versa. We then discuss whether these associations support the development of citizens’ collective and individual self-determination and autonomy and/or whether they negate such self-determination and autonomy – a state of affairs that is at the core of authoritarianism.

Our analysis addresses decision-making in associations and three specific policy areas. We find that most of the covered associations accept or do not openly reject state/ruling party interference in their internal decision-making processes. Moreover, in most of these associations the self-determination and autonomy of members are restricted, if not negated. With respect to HIV/AIDS policy, associations in Algeria and Vietnam toe the official line, and thus contribute, unlike their counterparts in Mozambique, to negating the self-determination and autonomy of affected people and other social minorities. Looking at enterprise promotion policy, we find that the co-optation of business and professionals’ associations in all three countries effectively limits democratizing impulses. Finally, in all three countries many, but not all, of the interviewed associations support state-propagated norms concerning gender and gender relationships, thus contributing to limiting the self-determination and autonomy of women in the private sphere.     

Interrogating “Urban Citizenship” vis-à-vis Undocumented Migration

This article critically interrogates the emerging literature on cities and citizenship, with specific reference to undocumented, “illegal”, or irregular migrant status. It first identifies and discusses three major approaches in the cities and citizenship literature, namely: normative, rescaling, and agency-centered approaches. It then interrogates this literature through the lens of migrant legal status and entertains a normative vision of urban citizenship in which a person would become a “citizen” not by explicit consent of fellow citizens, but merely by presence and residence in a place. While the immediate possibilities for such an unbounded, “grounded” citizenship are small, the article takes lessons from this model and discusses a fourth approach to cities and citizenship which explores the contemporary creation of urban “citizenship” policies for undocumented migrants in the United States. It concludes by discussing four brief examples of these local policies: (1) the contemporary struggle to reinstate local noncitizen voting, (2) the increasing acceptance of matrículas consulares as a valid form of identification for undocumented Mexican residents, and the debates over whether or not states should (3) issue driver licenses to undocumented migrants and (4) allow undocumented students to pay in-state tuition for public colleges and universities.

Global cities are spaces where the very meaning, content and extent of citizenship are being made and transformed. (Isin, 2000 Isin, E. 2000. Democracy, Citizenship and the Global City, New York: Routledge.  [Google Scholar], p. 6)

… It's ridiculous that becoming a citizen in the US is a problem. I've been here for 17 years! This is my home. You need to make a difference where you live! (Undocumented resident of Los Angeles1 ^?1 I interviewed this individual as part of my research on undocumented migrants and residents in Los Angeles who, somewhat paradoxically, have been participating in campaign politics and “get out the vote” drives run by their labor unions. For a thorough discussion and analysis of this field work, see Varsanyi (2005 Varsanyi. 2005. The paradox of contemporary immigrant political mobilization: organized labor, undocumented migrants, and electoral participation in Los Angeles. Antipode, 37(4): 775–795. [Crossref] [Google Scholar]). Quotation translated from Spanish. View all notes)     

In the Service of Power: The Global Political Economy of Citizenship and Human Rights

This article investigates how the idea of universal human rights has been co-opted by the prevailing (neo)liberal consensus in support of processes associated with capitalist globalization. So-called “civil and political” rights form the core of (neo)liberal values upon which free market, laissez-faire economics are based, but the idealism of the dichotomy of first and second generation rights is profoundly ideological. Through an examination of the idea of the international citizen, it is argued that the attempt to introduce a duty to promote the widest possible social good falls far short of an obligation to respond to claims for alternative conceptions of “economic and social” rights; far less alternative models of social affairs. Drawing on empirical evidence from Africa, the article contends that the dominance of (neo)liberal rights is integral to the emerging (neo)liberal constitution of the global order effected in the name of “human rights”, “democratization”, “citizenship”, “good governance” and “civil society”.

Never in the recent past have the founding principles of universal rights been so instrumentalized in the service of power, to such an extent that … in the opening years of the twentieth-century, we can speak of a veritable apogee of hegemony and an unprecedented crystallization of the hatreds that it arouses. (Bessis, 2003 Bessis, S. 2003. Western Supremacy: The Triumph of an Idea?, London: Zed.  [Google Scholar])     

Book reviews

Parties and Party Systems: A Bibliographic Guide to the Literature on Parties and Party Systems in Europe Since 1945 on CD‐ROM. Edited by Stefano Bartolini, Daniele Caramani and Simon Hug. London: Sage Publications, 1998. £99 (stand alone version), £150 (network version). ISBN 0–7619–5924–6 and ‐6002–3.

Changing Party Systems in Western Europe. Edited by David Broughton and Mark Donovan. London: Pinter, 1998. Pp.xix+315, 2 figures, 13 tables, biblio., index. £55 (cloth); £16.99 (paper). ISBN 1–85567–327–4 and ‐328–48.

The Choice for Europe. Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht. By Andrew Moravcsik. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998. Pp.xii+514, index. £16.95 (paper). ISBN 0–8014–8509–6.

People and Parliament in the European Union: Participation, Democracy, and Legitimacy. By Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott and Palle Svensson. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998. Pp.xvi + 287. £40 (cloth). ISBN 0–19–829308–9.

Legitimacy and the European Union. By David Beetham and Christopher Lord. London: Longman, 1998. Pp.viii +144. £9.99 (paper). ISBN 0–582–30489‐X.

Democracy in Europe: Legitimising Politics in a Non‐State Polity. By Heidrun Abromeit. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 1998. Pp.ix + 182, bibliog., index. £25 (cloth). ISBN 1–57181–985–1.

Political Theory and the European Union: Legitimacy, constitutional choice and citizenship. Edited by Albert Weale and Michael Nentwich. London: Routledge, 1998. Pp.xiii + 205. £55 (cloth). ISBN 0–415–17313–2.

Germany, France and the Integration of Europe: A Realist Interpretation. Thomas Pedersen. London: Pinter, 1998. Pp. viii + 221, bibliog., index. £40. ISBN 1–85567–537–4.

Recreating Europe: The European Union's Policy towards Central and Eastern Europe. By Alan Mayhew. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp.xxi + 403, 2 maps, 7 figures, 37 tables, bibliog., index. £45 (cloth); £15.95 (paper). ISBN 0–521–63086‐X and ‐63897–6.

Enlarging the EU Eastwards. By Heather Grabbe and Kirsty Hughes. London: Pinter for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1998. Pp.x + 130, 1 map, 16 tables, 4 figures, bibliog., index. £27.50 (cloth); £11.99 (paper). ISBN 1–85567–525–0 and ‐526–9.

Divided Europe: The New Domination of the East. By Adam Burgess. London: Pluto Press, 1997. Pp.222, bibliog., index. £40 (cloth); £13.99 (paper). ISBN 0–7453–1262–4 and ‐1257–8.

The European People's Party: Origins and Development. By Thomas Jansen. New York: St Martin's Press; London: Macmillan. 1998. pp.xiv + 206. 2 annexes, bibliog., index. £45. ISBN 0–312–21062–0 and 333–72057–1

The Italian Guillotine. Operation Clean Hands and the Overthrow of the First Republic. By S. H. Burnett and L. Mantovani, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998. Pp.xii + 332, chronology, The Cast of Characters, index. £45 (cloth); £15.95 (paper). ISBN 0–8476–8877–1 and ‐8878‐X.

The French Civil Service. By M. Luc Rouban. Paris: La Documentation Francaise, 1998. Pp.118, bibliog. NP. ISBN 9–782110–038777.     

Book reviews

Patterns of Democracy. Government Forms and Performance in Thirty‐Six Countries. By Arend Lijphart. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999. Pp.351, biblio., index. £26 (cloth); £10.95 (paper) ISBN 0–300–07893–5.

Critical Citizens. Global Support for Democratic Governance. Edited by P. Norris. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999. Pp.xv + 303, 37 figures, 59 tables, biblio, index. £45 (cloth) ISBN 0–19–829479–4.

Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism. Edited by H. Kitschelt, P. Lange, G. Marks and J.D. Stephens. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp.xiii + 527, biblio, index. £45 (US$69.95) (cloth) ISBN 0–521–62446–2; £16.95 (US$27.95) (paper) ISBN 0–521–63496–0.

Comparative Public Policy ‐ Patterns of Post‐war Transformation. By Francis G. Castles. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 1998. Pp.368, £59.95 (cloth) ISBN 1–858989–816–0; £19.95 (paper) ISBN 1–858989–823–3.

The Political System of the European Union. By S. Hix. London: Macmillan, 1999. Pp.ix + 427, 52 tables and 28 figures, biblio, index. £16.99 (paper) ISBN 0–333–71654‐X; £49.50 (cloth) ISBN 0–333–71653–1.

The Long Presidency. France in the Mitterrand Years, 1981–1995. By Julius Friend. Boulder, CO and Oxford: Westview Press, 1998. Pp.xi + 308, biblio, index. £30.95 (cloth) ISBN 0–8133–2850–0.

Historical Dictionary of Modern Italy. Edited by Mark F. Gilbert and K. Robert Nilsson. The Scarecrow Press, Lanham, Maryland and London, 1999. Pp.xxxvi + 463. 18 tables. $65 (cloth) ISBN 0–8108–3584–3

Zukunft der Sozialpartnerschaft: Veränderungsdynamik und Reformbedarf. Edited by F. Karlhofer and E. Tálos. Vienna: Signum, 1999. Pp.301, 9 tables, 3 figures, ATS 350 ISBN 3–85436–297–8.

Geografia della cittadinanza sociale in Italia. By Valeria Fargion. Bologna: II Mulino, 1997. Pp.351, biblio, index. L.45,000 (paper) ISBN 88–15–06127–4.     

Reviews

Joseph Fewsmith Dilemmas of Reform in China. Political Conflict and Economic Debate Armonk, NY and London: M.E. Sharpe, 1994. 289 pp. £44.00. ISBN 1–56324–327‐X.

Tani E. Barlow Gender Politics in Modern China: Writing and Feminism Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1993. 307 pp. £15.95. ISBN 0–8223–1389–8.

William A. Joseph (ed.) China Briefing, 1994 Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1994. 234pp. £10.50. ISBN 0–8133–2057–7.

Y.Y. Kueh and Robert F. Ash (eds) Economic Trends in Chinese Agriculture. The Impact of the Post‐Mao Reforms Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. xii + 405 pp. £45.00. ISBN 019–828753–4.

X.L. Ding (Ding Xueliang) The Decline of Communism in China: Legitimacy Crisis, 1977–1989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. 230 pp. £30.00. ISBN 0–521–45138–8.

Minxin Pei From Reform to Revolution. The Demise of Communism in China and the Soviet Union Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1994. 253pp. £29.95. ISBN 0–674–32563‐X.

Julia F. Andrews Painters and Politics in the People's Republic of China 1949–1979 Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1994. xv + 568 pp. $75.00. ISBN 0–520–07981–7.

E. Wayne Nafziger, Learning From the Japanese: Japan's Pre‐war Development and the Third World, Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1995. xv + 221pp. ISBN 1–56324–485–3, paperback 1–56324–486–1.

Richard J. Samuels ’Rich Nation Strong Army'; National Security and the Technological Transformation of Japan Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1994. 455 pp. £38.50. ISBN 0–8014–2705–3.

Alan Burnett The Western Pacific: Challenge of Sustainable Growth London: Earthscan, 1993. 276 pp. £15.95. ISBN 1–85383–1581

Tom Wells The War Within: America's Battle Over Vietnam Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994. 706 pp. £27.50. ISBN 0–5200–8367–9.

Ross Garnaut, Peter Drysdale and John Kunkel (eds) Asia Pacific Regionalism: Readings in International Relations Sydney: Harper Educational, 1994. 433 pp. ISBN 0–06–312140–9.

Atu Emberson‐Bain Labour and Gold in Fiji Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. 270 pp. £40.00. ISBN 0–521–36372–1.     

To Russia and back again: Intellectuals in postwar France

Political Traditions in Modern France. By SUDHIR HAZAREESINGH. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994. Pp.viii+355, £35 (hardback); £12.95 (paperback) ISBN 0–19–878074–5 and 0–19–878075–2.

Past Imperfect: French Intellectuals, 1944–1956. By TONY JUDT. Berkeley/ Los Angeles/London: University of California Press, 1992. Pp.348. £24. ISBN 0–520–0792.

Arguing Revolution: The Intellectual Left in Postwar France. By SUNIL KHILNANI. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993. Pp.viii+262. £19.95 (hardback), ISBN 0–300–05745–8.

Seducing the French: The Dilemma of Americanization. By RICHARD KUISEL. Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University of California Press, 1993. Pp.xiii+296. £20. ISBN 0–520–07962–0.

Extrême‐Occident: French Intellectuals and America. By JEAN‐PHILIPPE MATHY. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Pp.307, £13.50. ISBN 0–226–51064–6.

Face au scepticisme: Les Mutations du paysage intellectuel ou l'invention de I'intellectuel democratique. By OLIVIER MONGIN. Paris: Editions La Décou‐verte, 1994. Pp.400. FF180 (paperback). ISBN 9–782707–12308–4.

La Tribu des clercs: Les intellectuels sous la Ve République. By RÉMY RIEFFEL. Paris: Calmann‐Lévy, 1993. Pp.691. FF250 (paperback), ISBN 2–7021–2276–0.