德国对中国-中东欧国家关系的影响——以斯洛文尼亚和黑山两国为例

<正>德国无疑是绝大多数中东欧国家最重要的政治和经济合作伙伴,尤其是在贸易和投资等领域。金融危机之后,这一趋势更加明显。由于德国将中东欧国家视为其经济"后院"及势力范围,因此,中国一中东欧合作机制,特别是中国在该地区基础设施建设领域的参与,引起了德国的极大关注。德国对"16+1合作"机制的看法对中国一中东欧合作的未来发展极为重要。一德国在中东欧国家的地位对于绝大多数中东欧国家而言,与德国保持更密切的关系就等同于在更大程度上     

东盟的亚太一体化战略评析

东盟是亚太地区最早的一体化组织,在区域一体化上有丰富的实践经验,并对亚太一体化进程产生了一定影响。本文首先概述了东盟自成立至今的一体化历程,然后分析了东盟的亚太区域一体化战略,并将其总结为三条:一是坚决维护"东盟中心"地位和主导权;二是加快自身一体化,建立东盟共同体;三是主导建立"区域全面经济伙伴关系"(RCEP),通过RCEP将一体化进程向亚太地区推进。最后,文章评析了东盟在亚太区域一体化格局中的地位,并通过计量分析结果,比较了亚太自贸区(FTAAP)对东盟各国的利益。文章指出,FTAAP至今仍是一个较远的目标,有很多不确定性,因此,东盟对TPP这样的现实问题更加重视。     

区域价值链视角下的中东欧国家经济转型——以波兰、匈牙利、捷克和斯洛伐克为分析对象

本文以区域价值链为视角,分析研究了中东欧波兰、匈牙利、捷克和斯洛伐克四国在全球与欧洲区域价值链中的位置与角色,包括其进出口产业结构和行业价值链特征。通过研究发现,以德国为核心的欧洲区域价值链构建是中东欧四国经济转型成功的必要前提,中东欧四国既有的产业配套基础、开放的市场与适度的劳动力技能,是其融入以德国为核心的区域价值链的充分条件,中东欧四国搭载与融入德国产业链推动了经济转型的成功。关于中东欧经济转型的研究成果显示,中东欧四国通过制造业产业融入全球和区域价值链所取得的成就,证明了实体经济与中高端制造作为国家经济"压舱石"的重要性,而如何迎接新技术革命的挑战,以研发和创新维护和提升自身在全球与区域价值链中的能力,成为中东欧四国继续转型与发展的新问题。     

中东欧国家对外经济合作中的欧盟因素分析

中东欧国家深度依赖欧盟市场和资金并高度认同欧盟规范和规则,其对外政策选择已深刻嵌入欧洲一体化进程之中。欧盟通过其经济影响力、制度规范力和软性趋同压力对中东欧国家对外经济合作施加影响。此外,中东欧国家对欧盟的观念认同也是影响各国决策的现实因素。文章结合当前中国-中东欧合作的现状,指出了欧盟对中国-中东欧合作的主要关切并提出相应的应对之策。     

法德在中东欧的不同关切对中国-中东欧国家合作的启示

作为欧盟的两个核心大国,法国和德国在中东欧有着不同的关切。具体而言,从法德两国在欧盟东扩和《东南欧稳定公约》中的表现来看,法国对中东欧的三个次区域,即中欧、波罗的海和东南欧都采取谨慎、保守的态度,注重中东欧国家自身的改革,强调合作风险。而德国更倾向从区域性的角度出发,希望加快中东欧各个次区域的一体化进程,从而为德国的发展提供助力。此外,对中国-中东欧国家合作来讲,在经贸投资往来、中长期合作等方面可借鉴法德两国的经验。同时中国也要处理好与这些中东欧利益攸关者的关系。     

论"东盟经济共同体": 必然性、可行性与挑战

本文主要从三个方面对"东盟经济共同体"构想进行分析,认为首先应了解"东盟经济共同体"是一个必然的趋势和必须的选择;而东盟合作机制的完善和区域经济一体化的加速则为"东盟经济共同体"提供了可行基础.但同时,东盟各成员国经济发展水平及贸易开放程度的差异、经济上较高的竞争性以及"东盟方式"也对其形成了一些挑战.因此,东盟最终会建成一个经济共同体,只是过程比较曲折.     

后金融危机时代中东欧欧盟国家的政党政治结构变迁

中东欧国家政党与政治结构有着特殊的不稳定性,而这个不稳定性与中东欧国家社会、经济转型高度关联。2008年金融危机和2009年欧债危机无疑加剧了人们对于这一不稳定性的担忧。通过对选举结果的实证研究并全面分析和梳理后金融危机时代中东欧国家政党政治变迁的总体结构后可以发现,中右、中左两大政治力量主导政坛的格局没有发生动摇,任何意识形态的极端势力也没有利用金融危机崛起。这就需要讨论中东欧国家转型过程中具有特色的政党政治生态环境,并对其影响政府运作进行研究,为把握中东欧国家目前的政党政治转型特征提供有分析力的解释。     

"东盟方式"与东盟地区一体化

东盟自成立以来逐渐形成了一套独特的组织和决策方式,即"东盟方式"."东盟方式"有利于东盟国家的政治合作,是东盟一体化初期阶段的重要基础.但是在"东盟方式"的制约下,东盟难以建立超国家权力机构,缺乏集体行动能力,因此不利于经济一体化的发展,也使东盟难以在经济和安全领域进行危机管理.认识到这一点,东盟正在尝试采取有限的改革措施.     

国家转型视角下的欧洲民族国家研究

"民族国家"是诞生于欧洲的国家形态①,主要通过专制君主国转型和封建帝国解体而来。欧洲民族国家兴起过程中,"民族"起到整合国民认同、赋予国家合法性的作用。但从根本上说,"民族"只是建国的理由,民族国家在欧洲兴起的深层原因是推翻封建制度。欧洲民族国家的出现是历史进步,但建构过程也使世界付出沉重代价,两次世界大战均与其有关。同时,由于"民族意识"具有持久性,欧洲民族国家建成后,多数仍然面临"民族问题"困扰。当代欧洲,民族国家正在发生新的转型:各国的民族构成由单一向多元发展,国家主权行使方式在欧洲一体化和全球化中改变。本文认为,民族国家建构、欧洲一体化和全球化是一个进程的三个方面。到目前为止,民族国家仍是多层治理体系的核心与合法性的来源,不应得出其弱化的结论。     

试论台湾与东南亚关系的现实基础、影响因素及发展路径

台湾和东南亚的关系与两岸关系及大陆-台湾-东南亚国家三方关系的互动有着密切联系.随着大陆实力的增强,因两岸关系对立而产生的东南亚国家不得不在大陆与台湾之间进行选择的政治难题已经消失,以中国-东盟自由贸易区建设为先导的东亚区域经济一体化进程更从客观上弱化了台湾单独与东南亚国家发展关系的政策效应.由于以"东盟+n"方式参与东亚区域经济合作将导致两岸关系的恶化和多方关系的复杂化,因此,台湾直接参与已经开始实施的"东盟+中国"合作框架将更有利于台湾的发展以及与此相关各方关系的协调.     

论2009年菲律宾旅游业的发展

2009年,旅游业继续成为菲律宾经济发展的引擎之一.旅游业的发展与菲律宾政府的一系列旅游产业扶持政策、旅游产品推陈出新、旅游推广等措施是分不开的.     

The role of the pristavstvo institution in the context of Russian imperial policies in the Kazakh Steppe in the nineteenth century

The institution of pristavstvo was introduced in the Kazakh Steppe in the first decade of the nineteenth century. This institution had different meanings and functions, from an individually held position (e.g., a pristav to the khān of the Junior Horde in 1820; the pristavs who accompanied the Kazakh delegation to Saint Petersburg in the first half of the nineteenth century) to an administrative-territorial structure (e.g., the pristavstvo of the Senior Horde; the Mangyshlak and Zaisan pristavstvos). Though the political structure of the Russian empire had included institutions analogous to the pristavstvo, it was not a conventional component of the Russian administrative system. Studying the features of the pristavstvo institution in the territory of Kazakhstan and analysing the transformation of the pristav's function provide new insights on how the multi-ethnic Russian empire was managed. They will also help scholars to better understand the forms and methods the Russian authorities employed to manage their nomadic populations.     

Inhabiting Death in the Presence of the Body: Challenges of Exhumation in the Case of the Malvinas War

This article explores how a group of relatives of fallen soldiers of the Malvinas War inhabited death from the immediate aftermath of the conflict to the identification of the bodies in 2017. From a perspective borrowed from the anthropology of death and the body, it discusses how the status of these bodies shaped their relatives' representations of these deaths, understood as holy, heroic and sacrificial and inhabited through the performance of various mourning rituals. Finally, it demonstrates how the prospect of exhumation provoked resistance and fear, due to the unpredictable agency of the ‘corporeality of the dead’ in social life.     

Feudalism in the Service of the Revolution

This article discusses the way the past is being reexamined in modern-day Vietnam, particularly through the medium of heritage. Hue, the old royal capital of Vietnam, provides the case study, as this city reflects the great themes and events of Vietnamese history over the last two hundred years, from the establishment of a unified nation under the Nguyen, through the imposition of colonial control, the devastation of war, reunification, and the establishment of communism, to the consolidation of an independent postcolonial nation. The importance of Hue's heritage is recognized in its status as a “world heritage” site. The author argues that Hue's heritage is, nevertheless, problematic for Vietnam's ruling communists, because to them it largely represents a regime—the Nguyen Dynasty—that was “reactionary” and that had sold out the country to the French. The apparent contradiction between the standard communist view of the Nguyen past and the value accorded to Nguyen heritage in Hue is resolved, the author contends, by recourse to the depoliticized practices of heritage preservation and tourist promotion.     

在国际舆论中有效地传播中华的声音——对海外华文媒体访谈的思考

根据对海外华文媒体高层领导的访谈,笔者认为华文媒体在国际舆论中起着独特的作用。它们帮助华人融入当地文化,互相沟通;积极传播大中华文化;与中国媒体相互配合,扩大有利于中国的正面国际舆论。但是华文媒体也存在受众面窄、规模小、观点偏激、缺乏高度和影响力等问题。在未来的发展中,华文媒体首先要掌握对媒体的主导权,另外要加强华文媒体之间的联合、与当地主流媒体的合作以及与中国各方面的联系。     

Some Considerations Regarding the Persistence of the Economic Elite in Mexico in the First Half of the Twentieth Century

This article presents an analysis of some of the most important works on the persistence of the economic elite in Mexico during the first half of the twentieth century. The study seeks to answer the following question: How did the formation and character of the Mexican economic elites change during this period? It examines the effect of events such as the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) and the agrarian reform programmes, as well as political instability and institutional uncertainty, on the persistence or weakening of the landowning and industrial elite who had consolidated their power during the Porfiriato period (1876–1911).     

Rape of the Congo: Understanding sexual violence in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Though the occurrence of rape in the conduct of war is by no means historically new, research into its causes and functions has only really begun in the past couple of decades. War rape is a difficult phenomenon about which to generalise, considering the variances in context and actors involved. This article, however, attempts to synthesise existing literature through the analysis of a case study that can enhance our understanding of rape as a weapon of war and the contextual conditions that facilitate its use. Applying this theoretical framework to the extreme war rape occurring in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article offers insight into understanding the function of sexual violence in the ongoing conflict in the DRC. In particular, this article argues that the use of rape as a weapon in the Congo's bloody war must be understood in relation to both social constructs of masculinity and the politics of exploitation that have shaped much of the country's history.     

Tasks of the Communist Party of the Philippines in the new situation

Abstract

The setting up of the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship through the declaration of an “unlimited form of martial law” and under the fascist principle that “all power can be given to the military” has brought about a new situation. Through the crude employment of armed coercion, dictator Marcos as commander-in-chief has arrogated unto himself and concentrated in his hands all executive, legislative and judicial powers. All of these powers are used not only against the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People's Army but also against the broad masses of the people and all opposition to the perpetuation of a fascist dictatorship. Upon the setting up of this fascist dictatorship, the objective conditions for a civil war of a national scale have arisen. The entire Filipino people vehemently condemn the U.S.-Marcos dictatorship as anti-national, anti-republican, anti-democratic and decadent and are more determined than ever before to struggle for national democracy and, therefore, for a genuine republic that belongs to them.     

发展中国家国内武装冲突终止的条件分析——以印尼亚齐问题的解决为例

二战后国家内部武装冲突频发,并且绝大多数发生在发展中国家;尤其是冷战后,发展中国家国内武装冲突更为频繁.本文首先分析了发展中国家国内武装冲突频发的原因,而后从理论上提出终止冲突的途径,最后,本文选取印度尼西亚政府与亚齐冲突的解决作为案例来验证本文的观点.