关于“文化全球化”的思考

全球化加快了不同国家和民族之间文化的交流和交融,但并没有改变多元文化并存这一世界文化发展的客观趋势。美国等西方国家以"文化全球化"为名进行文化扩张,宣扬未来世界各个国家、各个民族的文化都将消失在单一的"全球化"文化中,其实质是推行文化帝国主义。在全球化背景下保持文化的多元性与保持民族的独立性密切相关。中国要在保持民族文化的"根"和"魂"的前提下,进行文化更新和融合。     

网络文化与文化主权

文化主权是一国在保护和弘扬本民族文化教育方面的权力 ,是维护传统文化和民族精神的现实力量。当前 ,基于网络技术而发展起来的网络文化 ,对民族国家的文化主权提出了新挑战。在文化日益开放和网络文化日益发展的条件下 ,民族国家既要积极参与文化开放和文化全球化 ,又要有效地维护国家文化的主权     

多元文化视域下校园安全文化教育路径探析

随着全球化的进一步推进,多元文化的冲突、融合与价值选择已经成为每一个民主开放国家面临的重要问题。面对着多元文化的冲突,大学生中普遍存在着价值观的困惑,认识的局限。在多元文化背景下,学校教育要着眼于未来,以社会主义文化为核心,以主流价值观为指导,采取多种手段有效整合资源,不断加强安全文化教育。     

略论多元文化教育

多元文化教育是人们面对日益复杂、多样的文化所做出的选择,同时,也标志着人们对主流文化教育的重新审视,促进教育改革,推动教育发展。在对民族教育理论进行研究的过程中,研究各民族文化与主流文化间的关系时要克服简单化的、单一化的倾向,探索多元文化教育模式,对于进一步推动民族教育研究、深化民族教育改革有着十分重要的意义。     

全球化背景下经典文化教育的价值取向

全球化对我国教育的冲击是深刻的,经典文化教育是应对挑战所必需的选择之一。经典文化具有时代性、开放性和包容性,对成就一个人以及提高整个国民素质都有重要的意义与价值。经典文化教育在学校教育应有所作为。     

《大学语文》与民族文化认同——兼谈《大学语文》的文本选择

多元文化语境给<大学语文>教育提出文化教育的使命:<大学语文>应该承担民族文化认同的重任,构建教育对象的精神家园,使教育对象在精神上成人.为此,<大学语文>应立足子母语教育,通过形式和情感的感受,让学生对民族文化产生情感的共鸣,从而对民族精神产生崇敬,对民族文化产生深刻而持久的认同.母语文本选择应该坚持以"文"为中心,通过母语的人文指向实现<大学语文>的文化教育使命.     

多元文化背景下教育文化功能的扩展

全球化进程中的多元文化对教育的影响日益变得复杂。全球化、文化多元化趋势所带来的社会文化的巨大变动是历史发展的必然，而教育因其具有教育性、开放性、创新性和社会性等性质，能够也必将能够在“多元文化”时代充分展现其文化传播功能、文化交流功能、文化保存功能、文化选择功能、文化整合功能和文化创新功能。随着社会的发展、进步，随着教育的大众化、普及化，教育将为人类文明的发展作出更加巨大的贡献。     

论文化软实力形成发展的全球化依据

全球化时代,文化问题日益凸显。国家之间的博弈方式发生倾斜,文化开始作为一种独立的"软力量"登上国际舞台。文化软实力即是形成于这种背景下的文化竞争力和认同力。强弱势文化的存在导致了全球化时代文化落差的出现,这种文化的落差致使文化软实力呈现出高低不同的态势,即为衡量文化软实力发展的一般性依据。文化软实力作为一种新的文化范式,不仅表现为各文化体之间的竞争,更是全球性共同生活的文化表达,是全球化文化整合过程中解决共同问题的一种文化诉求,即为文化软实力发展的本质性依据。     

多元文化主义与马克思主义民族理论的两点比较

"多元文化主义"既是一种文化观、历史观、教育理念、公共政策,又是一种意识形态和价值观,但都和民族问题有关,属于民族理论的范畴。多元文化主义和马克思主义民族理论的一些主张相近或相同,但本质上属于不同的思想体系。在文化多样性问题上,多元文化主义提倡相对主义,马克思主义则讲发展、讲进化;多元文化主义强调"多元"和"差别",而马克思主义则是"多元"和"一体"的统一论者。在民族政策方面,与马克思主义民族理论指导下的社会主义国家相比,多元文化主义政策的实行有着很大的被动性,出现的时间要晚,内容上较简单,社会的认同度也不高。     

"文化全球化"解读

人们对文化全球化的理解存在着很大的差异。一元主义者认为文化全球化是文化一元化,多元主义者则把文化全球化看成是不同文化间的互动。我们认为,文化全球化并不意味着一种文化能够消融世界上的其它多种文化而取得王者至尊的地位,或者不同的文化会自觉放弃自身的生存空间而最终相互融合成一种单一的文化。相反,文化全球化意味着多元文化并存、交流、对话和沟通机会的增加,意味着由所有文化交响与合奏构建的文化百花园的出现。     

Cosmopolitan Aspirations: New Media,Citizenship Education and Youth in Latin America

A wide variety of supranational organizations and networks are currently promoting educational initiatives aimed at disseminating particular values and notions of citizenship in Latin America via new media and in particular the Internet. These organizations exercise a growing influence on educational objectives and techniques in the region. Despite the fact that access is still modest among many sectors in Latin America, the hope is that these new media will contribute to the eradication among young people of undesirable behaviour such as delinquency and political apathy, and instead foster a stronger sense of civic responsibility. That sense might underpin a more constructive, entrepreneurial global youth culture espousing universal, multicultural values rather than particularistic, parochial ones. The Internet is presented in such initiatives as possessing intrinsically educational, entrepreneurial and democratizing properties. The article explores the activities of supranational organizations and networks operating in Latin America, and seeks to provide a glimpse of the idealised youth identities that they envision. It is argued that the new roles assigned to education are shaped by new media optimism, cosmopolitan aspirations and a post-national rather than nationally anchored conception of citizenship. Theories of governance and governability are used to understand how these developments can be seen in terms of the globalization of politics and the ensuing changes in the forms, rationalities and techniques of governance in a wide range of issue areas, including education.     

A ‘nation of intent’ in Burma: Karen ethno-nationalism,nationalism and narrations of nation

Fully-formed nationalisms do not emerge from nothing. Nor are they inextinguishable expressions of pre-modern forms of identity and political aspirations. The argument in this paper is that if they are fully formed, they have to emerge from ethno -nationalism; that is, out of ethnic identification-writ-large, where ethnic identification becomes ‘mapped’ onto that larger thing called a ‘nation’. Ethnic identification, however, requires a transformation in modes of consciousness and atavistic ethno-histories before ethno-nationalism and then full-blooded nationalisms can come into being. The argument is made in relation to the Karen nationalist movement in Burma. Karen nationalism emerged out of ethno-nationalism that was fostered by Christian missionary interest and ethnological attempts to set out a Karen ethno-history. Missionary writings offered Christian-educated Karen, in colonial times, the basis for a ‘narration of nation’ and for viewing themselves not merely as an ethnic group but a ‘nation’. This paper sets out the ceaseless unfolding of this ‘narration of nation’ that began in the nineteenth century and now tragically occurs in refugee camps in Thailand because of drastically altered politico-military conditions in Burma since the late 1980s. These narrations can only be understood in terms of their discursive history and how this history has been shaped. These narrations are examined with a view to addressing some key theoretical issues contained in more recent studies of nationalism and nation-state-making as modern phenomena and how ethno-nationalism is transformed into nationalism.     

From national identity to national security: China's changing responses toward India in 1962 and 1998

This article examines Russian Government policy towards Northeast Asia as an interplay between aspirations, which have been expressed by government leaders, parliamentary figures and prominent academics and journalists and actual results. The article uses three levels, global, regional and bilateral, as a basis for the analysis. In terms of global interests the Russian leadership has sought diplomatic balance against the US, in terms of regional interests the leadership has pursued the aim of economic and security integration while at the bilateral level Russian leadership has sought specific benefits from particular relations with China, Japan and South Korea. The article notes that Russia has obtained certain diplomatic benefits from the relationship with China which serve its interests at the global level. At the regional level policy aspirations have been frustrated by Russia's dire economic condition and the tendency to be treated as an ‘outsider’. Russia has benefited from an improvement of bilateral relations with China, Japan and South Korea but these gains do not translate into an improved position at the regional level yet. while the Russian leadership has been nurturing the development of bilateral relationships problems particular to those relationships hinder its wider regional acceptance.     

Minority rights and the dialectics of the nation: Otto Bauer’s theory of the nation and its contributions to multicultural theory and globalization

Conclusion This article analyzed Otto’s Bauer idea of the nation and assessed its meaning and significance qua liberal nationalism and the expansion of national minority rights in Europe. It argued that Bauer's formulation of the same rights for all minorities exposed certain limitations of multicultural theory, namely the failure of liberal multicultural theorists to adequately address the consequences of special minority rights and the potentially transformative role of labor in liberal societies that necessarily seek to be inclusive. Further, Bauer's idea of cultural autonomy raised important and relevant implications for advancing national minority rights in Europe. In particular, his initiative exposed possible ways to promote the social of cultural rights of EU Charter on Fundamental Rights. Given this and the EU's commitment to labor rights, it is curious that Bauer’s theory has not received the attention it deserves. Indeed, even if Bauer's ideas prove somewhat non-conventional by liberal standards, it is still important that we see his ideas as serving some elemental purpose in linking the advancement of national values and sentiment with the EU goal of integration.     

防止利益冲突视野下的利益观教育

建立健全防止利益冲突制度是从源头上治理腐败，推动廉政建设纵深发展的必然选择，而利益观教育则是从思想源头上预防和治理腐败的基础，加强利益观教育，有助于增强防止利益冲突制度反腐败的效果。利益观教育是上个系统工程，需要多方面形成合力：应牢固树立马克思主义利益观，始终把人民群众的利益摆在第一位，把实现好、维护好、发展好最广大人民的根本利益作为全部工作的出发点和落脚点；应建立健全具有中国特色的利益观教育体制机制，拓展教育内容，创新教育方法；应深化干部人事制度与分配制度改革，运用利益激励机制，提高党员干部廉洁奉公的积极性。     

“Editorials at a Glance”: Cultural Policy,Gender, and Modernity in the World War I Bureau of Cartoons

Cultural policy during the Great War, rather than radiating from the central government, evolved from contemporary culture—propaganda, movies, and mass media. The state was a player, but quasi‐public organizations such as propaganda agencies, non‐state actors like the YMCA, and “public opinion” played important roles. The Committee on Public Information (CPI)—the government's propaganda committee—influenced Americans through books, advertisements, posters, and cartoons. This essay examines two of the CPI's efforts: the Bureau of Cartoons and the Division of Pictorial Publicity. In these materials, we can see the intersection of class‐based notions of gendered idealism and a developing media state's use of a sentimental culture of the Victorian middle‐class to represent and motivate the nation. With staff drawn primarily from advertising agencies and newspapers, the Committee's work shows how the formulation of cultural policy is the result of complex negotiated processes involving state interests, cultural liaisons, and ideological assumptions.     

Productive work and subjected labor: Children's pursuits and child rights in northern Sierra Leone

The implementation of child rights legislation in the African nation of Sierra Leone has revealed children articulating novel values for education and labor. Corporal punishment was used to reinforce for children the importance of schooling and uncompensated household labor to their development as people. With its legal banning, children are forming values that conflict with those held by elders and with rights doctrine itself. They differentiate between productive “work,” useful because it is remunerated and skilled or improves their social connections, and the drudgery of uncompensated “labor,” which reinforces their low social position. Toil such as road works and mining can be “work” if it is valued and remunerated, while the desultory job market, equally desultory classroom experience, low social status, and poor pay of teachers renders formal education subjected “labor.” This highlights children as strategic users of rights and as agents in determining what comprises their own best interests.     

Multicultural accommodation and the ideal of non-domination

What normative principles should multicultural states be guided by in responding to minority claims for the accommodation of cultural and religious social practices? This article explores how theories of non-domination can contribute to debates on this question in the multiculturalism literature. It examines Philip Pettit’s, Cecile Laborde’s and Frank Lovett’s republican theories and argues that non-domination-based approaches to multicultural accommodation are more suitable to assess the dynamic of intra- and inter-group relations than the prominent liberal–multiculturalist alternative. However, their advantages are not contingent on the wider theories from which they emerge, but rather related to generalizable features of the non-domination ideal. This suggests that non-domination should also be appealing to non-republicans, who can adopt it minimally as a critical principle to determine illegitimate policies.     

The military and the prospects for Spanish democracy 1

Involvement of the army in Spanish politics derived from the weakness of political institutions, but it was accentuated by the caste‐like qualities the army acquired. Defence of career interests supplies a clear element of continuity and helps to explain the emergence of Franco's dictatorship. That regime retained military support by skilfully managing professional interests, but the price of army support was the retention of outdated military structures. Reform is now desired by the new generation of army officers, and military allegiance to democratic institutions may partly depend on satisfying these aspirations. In the long run, however, the resolution of this issue depends on developments in the national polity.     

Mothering as a citizenship practice: an intersectional analysis of ‘carework’ and ‘culturework’ in non-normative mother–child identities

In this article, a comparative analysis is presented of two ethnographic case studies on mothering practices in Belgium. Interviews with, and participant observation among, both undocumented migrant mothers from the South and Belgian white adoptive mothers of black Ethiopian-born children provide an insight into the way in which mothering plays an important role in the pursuit of citizenship. In our analysis, we draw on critical theorizations of citizenship from feminist, multicultural and globalization perspectives, and of care, intimacy and the affective in order to show how mothering can be viewed as a citizenship practice that transcends boundaries of the private, public and the nation. In their ‘carework’ and ‘culturework’, both undocumented migrant and white adoptive mothers negotiate prevalent ideologies of mothering that are often exclusionary of their own and their children's sense of identity and belonging. Their mothering involves building new networks and strengthening their children's identities in culturally creative ways. We argue that although these mothering practices are embedded in a multiplicity of intersecting privileges and inequalities, within restraints imposed by the nation-state context, this carework attests to the agentic capacity of mothering and its potential to affect politics of inclusion, recognition and changing hegemonic understandings of citizenship and belonging.