中俄毗邻地区非传统安全领域合作初探

冷战结束后,中俄毗邻地区传统安全威胁消除,而“三股恶势力”、非法移民、跨国犯罪、人口危机、能源和食品匮乏以及生态破坏等非传统安全问题日渐突出,亟待两国合作解决。相互一致的国家安全利益和内容趋同的新型安全观是中俄安全合作的基础。建立中俄非传统安全风险和危机的预警防范和应急处理机制,进而构筑东北亚次区域集体安全机制,是我国营造良好的周边环境的对策选择。     

中俄毗邻地区生态安全合作研究

中国与俄罗斯互为最大邻国，两国边界线绵延4300多公里，特别是东段边界一衣带水，毗邻地区丰富的自然资源和充沛的水力资源为两国东部地区的经济发展创造了优越的条件。然而，两国近年来高速的经济发展和工业开发，给界河、界湖流域的生态环境带来了巨大的压力，环境污染和生态失衡问题日益加剧。双方毗邻地区生态安全合作迫在眉睫。     

中俄东部毗邻地区合作振兴与开发对策研究

中俄先后提出两国东部毗邻地区经济振兴与开发战略，为双方通过互动合作实现振兴与开发提供了难得的历史机遇，尤其是2009年9月中俄两国正式批准了《中国东北地区与俄联邦远东及东西伯利亚地区合作规划纲要（2009--2018年）》（以下简称《中俄地区合作纲要》），为两国东部毗邻地区开展经济合作及相互投资指明了方向。     

后金融危机时期中俄毗邻地区合作研究

世界经济正在进入“重建”的后金融危机时期，中俄两国在2009年通过实施反危机措施取得了相对令人满意的成果，保持经济平稳较快发展是两国政府2010年面临的艰巨任务。深化中俄毗邻地区各领域合作是两国共同应对危机的最佳选择。中俄毗邻地区合作中主要存在沟通便利化、交通便利化、人员往来便利化及信息便利化等问题。建议增强互信，建立多层面协调联动机制，提高企业文化，增强法律意识，多渠道搭建信息化平台，增强企业社会责任。     

关于黑龙江省建立中俄自由贸易区的思考

自由贸易区是当前区域经济一体化的主要组织形式,随着上海自由贸易区的设立,我国各地出现了申办自由贸易区的热潮.中俄毗邻地区的经贸合作有过贸易综合体、边境口岸保税区、经贸合作区和产品加工园区等各种模式的探索,为自由贸易区的建立提供了前期基础.当前,中俄两国在建立自由贸易区问题上有一定的共识,在实事求是和互利共赢的原则下制定出切实有效的自由贸易区方案,将会有利于两国实现经济贸易利益最大化的战略目标.     

应抢抓中俄合作的十大商机

随着中俄两国政治上战略协作伙伴关系的发展，睦邻友好关系的正式确立，两国边境地区的最后划界，中俄“国家年”活动的成功举办，特别是中俄两国经济分别以高于世界平均水平的幅度加快发展、中俄两国分别做出振兴东北和东部开发的战略决策，这为中俄两国特别是中俄两国毗邻地区的项目合作与经济发展提供了诸多重大商机。概括起来，至少有十个方面：     

中俄东部地区自由贸易区创建研究

建立中俄东部边境地区自由贸易区目前还是一个设想,但是,这个问题已被中俄两国的中央和地方政府层面所关注,俄罗斯联邦政府积极支持正在筹备建立的布拉戈维申斯克-黑河中俄阿穆尔大桥自由贸易区建设方案;中国在俄远东地区也已经建立了多个工业园区,这些举措都为中俄东部毗邻地区自由贸易区的创立带来难得的机遇,正式启动建立中俄东部地区自由贸易区的时日已经不是很远了.在未建立之前创建模式选择最为重要,在自由贸易区建设的国际经验借鉴中,参考成员国全面经济一体化模式基本理论,可以为中俄东部地区自由贸易区设定阶段发展过程和终极目标,为运行实践提供法律依据和制度构想等组织安排规则.研究局部地区经济一体化模式选择,小区域经济一体化模式对建立中俄东部边境毗邻地区自由贸易区机制安排具有指导意义.     

中俄东部区域合作研究综述

中国和俄罗斯互为最大邻邦,发展区域合作拥有不可比拟的地缘优势。21世纪以来,随着世界经济一体化程度逐步加深和中俄两国经济的快速增长,双方规模化多领域的区域合作开始发展起来。中俄毗邻地区经济合作一直是两国政界、学术界关注的重点,特别是2009年《中国东北地区同俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区合作规划纲要(2009—2018年)》(以下简称《规划纲要》)签订以来,中俄东部区域合作成为两国关系研究的热     

把命运共同体意识植根于中俄区域合作,立足长远共同发展

<正>2013年,中俄两国元首和两国总理达成重要合作共识,将致力于将两国的政治互信转化为经济互动,将国家层面的合作转化为毗邻区域的地方合作,从而为全世界大国间和谐共处树立典范。两国最主要的毗邻区域——中国东北地区和俄罗斯远东地区的合作,前景广阔且意义重大。中俄已就改变传统的经济合作模式、打造创新性的合作模式,达成共识。中俄的经济合作已由简单的商品贸易发展到投资合作战略,2012年的中俄总理会晤期间,双方还签署协议,     

中俄边境地区旅游开发潜力分析

旅游作为我国经济发展新的增长点和部分地区的支柱产业已经发展到了“国内、边境、跨国”三游并举的新阶段 ;作为俄罗斯新兴的经济部门 ,旅游业收入也在逐年增加。因此 ,发展以俄罗斯为主的客源市场 ,保持边境地区旅游特色 ,开发边境地区的旅游合作之潜力是中俄两国发展旅游业的当务之急。     

EU police and judicial cooperation before the Treaty of Lisbon: strengthening of the weakest link?

Abstract

Three key questions arise from the encroachment of the European Union (EU) on national prerogatives in the administration of justice: What factors contribute to the weakest link collective action problem attending police and judicial cooperation within the EU? What were the substantive and institutional goals of the EU in this policy domain? What accounts for the rising level of police and judicial cooperation despite the persistence of barriers to cooperation and incentives to defect? This article first establishes the fundamental incentives and obstacles to cooperation in matters of transnational security threats in post-Westphalian Europe. It then proceeds to explore the evolution of police and judicial cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs between 1999 and 2009, to assess national contributions to police and judicial cooperation, and to consider the potential impact that the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, Stockholm Programme and European Investigation Order. A final question is considered in the conclusion: Did the level and extent of police and judicial cooperation that emerged between 1999 and 2009 give rise to a community of practice that in turn fostered a nascent community of identity resilient enough to mitigate the weakest link technology of public goods production endemic to this policy domain?     

软实力视角下的中国与东盟警务合作

冷战结束以来,国际性犯罪形势愈加严重,并呈现组织化、职业化和国际化的趋势,靠一国之力难以解决,加强国际警务合作,控制和预防各种犯罪就成为国际社会的共同需要。中国和东盟也面临毒品走私、非法移民、洗黑钱、恐怖主义活动等跨国犯罪的严峻挑战,中国与东盟在打击这些犯罪活动方面开展了有效的警务合作,但中国与东盟警务合作也面临主权、域外势力干涉、合作形式单一等诸多问题。本文主要以软实力为视角,就如何克服障碍,加强中国与东盟警务合作提出了相关思考。     

Police,policy and politics in Brussels: scenarios for the shift from sovereignty to solidarity

This article analyses the evolution of European Union (EU) police cooperation on the basis of structural processes in the form of agencification, regulation and standardization, as well as substantive processes in the form of information-sharing and multi-disciplinary cooperation. The Lisbon Treaty holds some key conditions for further integration. The level of integration of police cooperation in the EU is measured by analysing institutional power, the regulatory framework and transnational professionalism. Despite a positive score on each of these levels, member states remain caught between national sovereignty and solidarity. As a consequence, they face an implementation gap and have not embedded European police cooperation in their domestic systems. Building on the pro-integrative moves that have been introduced by virtue of the Lisbon Treaty, improved governance and deeper integration can be achieved by means of more active parliamentary involvement, independent police oversight (both at European and at the national level), the mainstreaming of cooperation mechanisms and a systematic Europe-wide cultivation of police professionalism. Within the realm of internal security cooperation in the EU, a concerted effort is required which demands close consultation between relevant institutional actors and the professional actors in the member states.     

非传统安全视野下中国与东盟警务合作机制研究

一、中国与东盟各国所面临的非传统安全挑战 近年来，中国积极与东盟各国加强对外合作关系建设。通过“10＋1”与“10＋3”会议机制以及东盟地区论坛等形式，中国与东盟各国在政治、经济、文化等多个领域的交流与合作得到了进一步的加强与发展。但是，中国与东盟同样也共同面临着非传统安全的严峻挑战。     

对促进中俄边境地区经贸合作的几点政策建议

目前,中国东北边境地区正在充分利用东南沿海发达地区的资金、技术和产品优势以及边境对面俄罗斯丰富的自然资源和市场的优势,成为与东南沿海经济带相互对应、相互依托、相互补充、相互促进的北方大陆沿边经济开发带。中俄边境城市大多是依靠贸易发展起来的,经济缺少工农业等基础行业支撑。因此,在确定合作发展方向时,必须以科学的态度慎重选择,合理布局,绝不能只想发展而不考虑后果,只顾及现在而忽视未来。     

Blurring the Dividing Line: The Convergence of Internal and External Security in Western Europe

Abstract

A distinctive feature of the security landscape in western Europe of the post-Cold War era is that the dividing line between internal and external security has become increasingly obsolete—mainly as a consequence of the growing importance of transnational as well as other challenges to security which defy the distinction between domestic and international security. This article examines this convergence of internal and external security agendas from the perspective of the coercive apparatus of western European countries, pointing to a militarisation and externalisation of policing, and an internalisation and ‘policisation’ of soldiering: while police forces are taking on military characteristics, and are extending their activities beyond the borders of the state, military forces are turning to internal security missions, and are adopting certain police features. Moreover, agencies which have traditionally been located at the interface between police and military forces, i.e. gendarmerie-type or paramilitary forces, are assuming an increasingly important role.     

The internal–external security nexus and EU police/rule of law missions in the Western Balkans

Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) police/rule of law missions in the Western Balkans are increasingly guided by externally imposed normative agendas that respond primarily to EU internal security needs rather than functional imperatives or local realities. In line with these needs, EU police reform efforts tend to prioritise effectiveness and crime fighting over longer- term democratic policing and good governance reforms. In practice this means that police reform initiatives are technocratically oriented, yet value ridden fitting EU security concerns and needs. As a result, the police reform process can be—and often is—disconnected from the political and socio-economic reforms necessary for long-term stability and sustainable peace. Police assistance in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been shaped by a determined albeit questionable focus on organised crime and corruption. The focus of EU police reform in Macedonia on primarily crime-fighting aspects of policing has compromised thefunctioning of the Macedonian police. Similarly, the politics of (non-)recognition of Kosovo's self-proclaimed independence and the intrusiveness of EULEX Kosovo's executive mandate contravene meeting local challenges.     

Criminalizing Consequences of Sanctions: Embargo Busting and Its Legacy

The upsurge in the use of economic sanctions in the post-Cold War era has prompted much scholarly and policy debate over their effectiveness and humanitarian consequences. Remarkably little attention, however, has been devoted to their criminalizing consequences and legacy for the post-sanctions period. In this article, I develop an analytical framework identifying and categorizing the potential criminalizing effects of sanctions across place (within and around the targeted country) and time (during and after the sanctions period), and apply and evaluate this framework through an in-depth examination of the case of Yugoslavia. For comparative leverage and to assess the applicability of the argument beyond the Yugoslavia case, the analysis is briefly extended to other cases both within and outside the Balkans (Croatia and Iraq). The article suggests that sanctions can unintentionally contribute to the criminalization of the state, economy, and civil society of both the targeted country and its immediate neighbors, fostering a symbiosis between political leaders, organized crime, and transnational smuggling networks. This symbiosis, in turn, can persist beyond the lifting of sanctions, contributing to corruption and crime and undermining the rule of law. The article is one of the first efforts to integrate the study of sanctions and transnational crime, and suggests that the criminalized collateral damage from sanctions and its post-sanctions legacy should be made a more central part of the evaluation of sanctions.     

普京时期的俄罗斯利益集团及其在中俄关系中的作用

俄罗斯利益集团是在俄急剧的社会转型过程中出现的,从而具有自己的一些特点。普京执政后,针对叶利钦时期集团政治的弊端,采取强权措施,从而改变了利益集团的政治表现形态和活动方式。利益集团要求在国内外实现利益最大化,势必要影响到俄的对外决策和对外关系。     

Tempering the EU? NGO advocacy in the Area of Freedom,Security, and Justice

The European Union's (EU) area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) portfolio comprises policy areas such as immigration and asylum, and police and judicial cooperation. Steps were taken to bring this field into the mandate of the EU first by the Maastricht Treaty, followed by changes implemented by the Amsterdam and Lisbon Treaties, the last one ‘normalizing’ the EU's erstwhile Third Pillar. As the emergent EU regime continues to consolidate in this field, NGOs of various kinds continue to seek to influence policy-making and implementation, with varying success. This article seeks to establish the context in which NGOs carry out their work and argues that the EU-NGO interface is impacted both by the institutional realities of the European Union and the capacities of EU-oriented NGOs to seize and expand opportunities for access and input into the policy cycle. Using EU instruments representing three different policy bundles in AFSJ (immigration, asylum and judicial cooperation in criminal matters), the article seeks to map out NGO strategies in engaging and oftentimes resisting European Union policy instruments.