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1.
分裂主义界定研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
分裂主义是现存国家的一部分人口在所属国家的反对下,将其居住的领土从现属国家脱离,建立一个新的独立国家或并入其他国家的系统思想和行为。领土诉求、极端化认同和分裂主义组织是分裂主义的三个核心要素。分裂主义的产生虽然常常与政治、经济和安全因素密切相关,但文化因素是根本性的。部分西方学者所宣扬的分离的合法权利,值得我们警惕。  相似文献   

2.
谢贵平 《国际展望》2016,(5):131-146
"一带一路"倡议的实施和推进,对中国边疆地区来说,既是机遇,也面临挑战。在全球化、信息化时代,陆疆地区传统与非传统安全相互交织、国内与国际问题相互交织、历史与现实问题相互交织、民族与宗教问题相互交织、敌我矛盾与人民内部矛盾相互交织的境况,使得陆疆地区安全形势日趋复杂和严峻,并对国家、社会与人的安全乃至国际安全都造成严重威胁。安全内在于发展过程,也是发展的核心部分,陆疆地区的发展必须以安全为前提和保障。新形势下,中国需要重新审视陆疆安全威胁的时代性与特殊性,对主要安全威胁及其特征、影响、趋势进行识别与评估,针对新难题,探究陆疆安全治理新方略与新路径,全面维护中国的陆疆安全。  相似文献   

3.
金永明 《国际展望》2012,(4):1-12,137
为维护海洋安全,中国需要制定国家海洋安全战略。而海洋安全战略是国家海洋发展战略的重要组成部分,所以应符合其目标。同时,中国特别应合理处理引发海洋安全的海洋问题,使其对我国和平发展进程及国家统一大业的影响或威胁降低到最低限度。海洋问题的管控直接关系到我国由区域性海洋大国向世界性海洋大国的转型,也关系到国家核心利益的维护。为此,进一步明确和完善我国的海洋政策及法律制度,就显得尤为重要和迫切。  相似文献   

4.
当下以色列社会存在三个明显的社会分裂现象:犹太人和阿拉伯人的分裂;极端正统犹太人和现代犹太人的分裂;欧美裔犹太人和亚非裔犹太人的分裂。以色列的国家安全观也历经了转变,以1979年为分界线,之前主要面临来自阿拉伯国家的威胁,之后则主要面临来自伊朗的威胁。内部分裂会影响到以色列国家的发展高度,对国家实际安全威胁的认知会影响到以色列的周边环境塑造。以色列的内政外交存在相当密切的联动性。  相似文献   

5.
1999年后,全球艾滋病流行问题进入了美国的安全政策框架。以"9.11"事件为分水岭,美国对全球艾滋病问题的认知从一项国际安全威胁转变为国家安全威胁。美国政策准备过程中的政治动员重点相应地发生了改变,从重视对国际社会进行说服变为强调国内团结,尤其是争取宗教保守势力的支持。不同的安全化进程导致了美国对国际合作形式选择从多边转向双边,主要合作方式从政策施压转变为资源投入。在这一全球治理议题上,美国面临着加强投入和重视国际协调难以兼顾的局面。  相似文献   

6.
俄罗斯认为特朗普政府《美国国家安全战略报告》对国际和地区安全构成威胁,明确将同中国协力应对美国国家安全战略。美国将中国和俄罗斯视为现存国际秩序的挑战者,势必导致两国在一些问题上共同进退,很大程度上分散了其战略针对性和威胁度。  相似文献   

7.
中国文化安全面临的挑战及其战略选择   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
国家文化安全是国家以主流价值体系为核心的各种文化体制、机制、秩序的运行常态及其所标示的国家文化主权、文化利益及文化尊严的完整性、有机性不被国内外敌对势力和相关活动所干扰、妨碍、侵蚀与破坏。在我国经济尚欠发达、民主政治改革尚待进一步开展的今天 ,我国文化安全面临着严重的挑战 ,因此 ,我们要对文化安全作出自己的战略选择。  相似文献   

8.
唐桦 《台湾研究》2013,(2):6-10
两岸关系步入和平发展的轨道,军事对抗风险降低,但共同面对的非传统安全威胁却有日益升高的趋势。非传统安全合作在两岸关系中的提出不仅是对两岸交流在合作领域的扩展,也试图动摇两岸关系中长期存在的国家中心主义立场。对比传统安全,非传统安全合作涉及到两岸的共同利益,将安全价值基点从国家中心逐步转向“多重化”中心,更体现“人的安全”、“社会安全”与“全球安全”的价值取向,要求两岸之间的互动体现人类的普遍安全。两岸非传统安全合作机制的意义在于使两岸在非传统安全领域的合作稳定和有序,使非合作性的两岸集体行动成为可能和现实。  相似文献   

9.
从全球化的角度深入研究国家经济安全问题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在新的历史条件下,制定国家经济安全政策,既要符合国家利益,又要考虑自身体制和管理等国内问题与外来威胁的特殊结合方式,从而采取具有特色的策略.  相似文献   

10.
中国地缘安全环境中的“安全困境”问题解析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
朱听昌 《国际展望》2012,(3):41-58,140
"安全困境"是国际安全领域中的一个基本概念,是构成国际紧张、对立乃至冲突的动因之一。在现实的国际社会中,"安全困境"现象很难完全消除。中国在崛起的进程中,其地缘安全环境中的"安全困境"问题尤为突出。美国把中国列为主要的地缘战略对手,认为中国的崛起挑战美国的霸权甚至威胁美国的安全;日本面对中国崛起,表现出严重的不适应,千方百计强化日美同盟,增强军事实力以牵制中国;中俄互有需求建立"战略协作伙伴关系",但中俄地理上的邻近使发展动力有限,也存在若隐若现的"安全困境"问题;印度作为拥有核武器的军事大国的崛起,肯定会分散中国的精力,使中国的地缘安全环境更趋复杂。  相似文献   

11.
Traditional security studies and international relations theory do little to address the security issues associated with the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Because security studies and international relations have been preoccupied with conditions affecting the major powers, little of the long history of international relations and national security has practical application to Africa and the HIV/AIDS epidemic it is experiencing. From a theoretical perspective many fields of security studies and international relations do not adequately address critical dimensions in dealing with security. Dimensions of time, scope and depth are often overlooked. This point is important regarding the AIDS epidemic because time and extent often determine the security threat and whether it is a short-run threat (which is subject to greater political expediency) or a long-run threat (which is subject to less political expediency). In the short run the epidemic threatens the security of political institutions, the military and military operations. In the long run the security of populations and national economic performance are at risk.  相似文献   

12.
This study explores the threat of ideological active shooter attacks in the United States. In particular, to understand if these events constitute a new brand of “lone wolf terrorism” or if they are simply “deranged shooters” that happen to be ideological. The results show that ideological and non-ideological active shooters share very similar profiles. Despite the similarities, ideological extremism seems to influence the way these offenders prepare, execute, and conclude their attacks. Most ideological active shooters are “loners” whose attacks tend to be motivated by ideology. Given their sophistication and lethality, ideological active shooters represent a serious threat to national security.  相似文献   

13.
In America, Britain and Australia the threat of terrorism has been used to justify radical new legislation that gives police and intelligence agencies unprecedented powers to detain and question people believed to have information connected to terrorism. In this paper I explore the nature of the threat of non-state terrorism—threat to national security and the well-being of citizens. I argue that terrorism does not pose a threat sufficient to justify the kinds of counterterrorism legislation currently being enacted. Furthermore many of the current counterterrorism practices pose a greater threat to individual physical security and well-being than non-state terrorism. We should fear counterterrorism more than we fear terrorism.  相似文献   

14.
International organisations, the national government and civil society alike have identified youth as a potential threat to the stability of the young state of Timor-Leste over the last decade. In this article, I ask how these actors define the danger of youth and what reasons they identify for the potential threat of young citizens for the society and state. Guided by a theoretical framework of Critical Security and Development Studies, I argue that while political manipulation as reason for youth violence was a prominent part of the security discourse in the years after the crisis in 2006, the discourse on the danger of youth in very recent international and national documents has been depoliticised. Despite decreasing numbers of youth-related violence, the threat construction has not vanished; rather, the language on youth has been adapted to the existing international discourse on violent youth as a threat to successful development. In this way, international and national actors have sustained the image of a society in need of management.  相似文献   

15.
The security environment in East Asia has been going through drastic changes. As China and North Korea pose a serious threat to Japan, the Japanese are now more concerned about the security issue in the region. Recognizing the highly volatile situation Japan is facing, the purpose of this study is to examine the issue of nuclear proliferation by focusing on people's attitudes in Japan. More specifically, it systematically analyzes the factors that can determine people's opinions of nuclear weapons by utilizing the survey data. The result of the statistical analysis suggests that threat perceptions significantly boost people's support for nuclear armament. Advancing our understanding of nuclear proliferation from a unique perspective, this study makes an important contribution to the literature, thus helping us predict Japan's security policy.  相似文献   

16.
In February 2010, the Australian government released its second Counter-Terrorism White Paper, claiming that terrorism continues to pose a serious security challenge to Australia. The article critically re-examines the terrorist threat to Australia and explores the threat posed by the traditional Al-Qaeda leadership, by regional organisations like Jemaah Islamiyah and by so-called ‘home-grown’ terrorists. Arguing that it is imperative to differentiate clearly between the threat to Australia and Australian interests abroad, the article identifies the sources of threat in the Australian context. It concludes that neither Al-Qaeda nor Jemaah Islamiyah nor home-grown terrorism poses any significant objective threat to Australia. At the same time it is acknowledged that the subjective perception of the terrorist necessitates the government to develop an effective counter-terrorism strategy. However, given that the terrorism threat is objectively low, policy measures addressing the threat ought to be carefully designed to meet the requirements of proportionality and (potential) effectiveness.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

In this essay, we trace the national and religious anxieties that emerge with the influx of Somali refugees and capital investments into the Nairobi suburb of Eastleigh. More specifically, we look at how the ambiguity of Somali identity [citizen/refugee] in Kenya renders ineffective the state's attempt to police the circulation of the ‘Somali body’ and capital and how this becomes part of a quest for certitude that manifests itself in security discourse on the ‘Somali threat’ on one hand and a national/religious discourse on authentic Kenyanness. Through a reading of affective and moral economies, we illustrate how ‘Somali driven development’ and presence in Eastleigh, rather than act a source of national and religious anxieties can be seen as an opportunity to re-negotiate and re-evaluate both national and urban senses of community.  相似文献   

18.
Despite many commonalities in national security priorities, Australia and New Zealand approach the threat of terrorism quite differently. Both had twentieth-century manifestations of domestic terrorism which were generally downplayed. The emergence of jihadist-inspired threats globally have affected Australia much more than New Zealand, and Australian counterterrorism strategy has developed significantly since 9/11. New Zealand has watched global events so far untouched by any jihadist threat, and has implemented few effective counterterrorism measures. The reasons for the differing experience, it is contended here, are the varying historical perceptions of threat, and consequent differing approaches each country has taken to mitigate perceived threat.  相似文献   

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