依附型金融化与中东欧国家的去金融化改革

20世纪90年代以来的资本主义金融化进程使中东欧国家陷入依附型金融化困境.由于国内转型战略与加入欧盟的相互影响,中东欧国家形成了维谢格拉德国家的依附型出口拉动模式和波罗的海国家的依附型贷款拉动模式.2008年国际金融危机之后,中东欧国家试图通过去金融化和金融抑制改变其依附型金融地位.不同国家的去金融化程度有所差异,以匈牙利为代表的维谢格拉德国家偏重部门税和公司国有化,以拉脱维亚为代表的波罗的海国家坚持紧缩和内部贬值策略.总体上,这些国家只是改变了 一些经济机构,而没有从根本上挑战潜在的增长模式.长期来看,去金融化可能会减少中东欧国家生产性行业中的外国直接投资,金融民族主义既难以同全球金融资本相对抗,也无法摆脱其自身的依附地位.     

国际金融危机背景下对中东欧经济转轨问题的再思考

转轨20年来,中东欧国家已经建立了市场经济体制,经济转轨的任务已经完成。围绕中东欧经济转轨方式的争论,如休克疗法与渐进主义等,在转轨20年后虽然已无现实意义,但仍具有永恒的学术意义。全球化与欧洲化为中东欧国家的赶超创造了有益的条件,但全球经济的波动也给中东欧国家带来了潜在的风险。国际金融危机并不会导致中东欧国家抛弃现有的增长模式,但并不排除中东欧国家对增长模式进行微调。国际金融危机的冲击对"改革疲乏症"敲响了警钟,为中东欧国家进一步加快改革提供了契机。     

构建中国—中东欧国家人文交流与合作新格局

正除了要处理好与美国、欧盟的关系外,中国与中东欧国家的人文交流与合作还面临观念差异、地理遥远、语言障碍等不利因素。对此,双方应积极调整国家发展战略与制度设计,充分发挥友好城市的纽带作用,推动建立中国—中东欧国家人文交流与合作新格局。中国与中东欧国家合作是近年来中国外交领域蓬勃发展的新议题。其中,人文交流既是中国构建、强化自身特色鲜明的文化软实力的战略选择,也是中国对中东欧国家的一项长远战略。中东欧国家是新中国成     

“16+1”合作机制下中国与维谢格拉德集团关系研究

2012年4月,中国—中东欧国家领导人会晤机制启动,标志着以中东欧16国为一方、以中国为另一方的"16+1"整体合作框架正式开启。双方基于共同利益进行总体规划,分领域、重点区域打造"16+1"利益共同体,以期实现共同发展、互利共赢。其中,波兰、匈牙利、捷克与斯洛伐克维谢格拉德集团四国在中东欧地区和欧盟内具有重大战略地位,对发展中国—中东欧国家关系、中欧关系意义重大。在此背景下,中国与维谢格拉德集团关系发展迎来了新的机遇。政治、经贸与人文交流合作不断升温,双边关系持续发展与巩固,但战略互信和深层合作仍需加强。未来进一步提升双边合作关系是中国与维谢格拉德集团的共同需要,也是深化"16+1"机制并与欧盟发展对接的重要抓手。     

欧洲化进程中的“逆流”——中东欧的欧洲怀疑主义评析

欧洲怀疑主义是中东欧国家在转型过程中出现的一种政治思潮。它不单纯是国际关系领域的"疑欧"思潮,而可以被看作是一个"空箱子",里面可以放一系列不同立场的各种政策。从根源上说,欧洲怀疑主义的出现与中东欧国家的历史和现状紧密联系在一起,是民众和精英对于中东欧国家与西欧国家关系、中东欧政治乃至整个社会发展现状的一种"另类"审视。     

欧洲一体化对中东欧国家政党制度转型的影响

近20年来,中东欧国家的政党制度经历了从一党制到多党制的转型进程,在此变迁过程中,以欧盟接纳中东欧国家入盟为主线的欧洲一体化进程对其产生了重要影响。欧洲一体化影响中东欧国家政党制度变迁的历史演进轨迹是曲折的,从中东欧国家多党制初现时欧共体谨慎观望,到欧盟开始在幕后对中东欧国家政党制度进行合法化整合,再到欧盟通过入盟谈判主动型塑中东欧国家的政党制度,直至目前欧盟对已入盟和未入盟的中东欧国家政党制度的影响出现两种不同向度。欧洲一体化对中东欧国家政党制度转型的影响是依靠欧盟接纳中东欧国家入盟为杠杆实现的,其在各国的实现路径具有极强的相似性。欧盟在接纳中东欧国家入盟过程中主动提出的诸多制度性要求和安排是对这种影响的产生起到核心作用的关键因素。     

欧盟对中东欧政党政治的塑造作用评估

1989年东欧剧变后,中东欧国家的社会发展深深打上了欧盟的烙印,政党政治领域亦是如此。在入盟过程中以及入盟之后,欧盟试图通过一系列硬指标来塑造中东欧国家的政党政治格局,以期望其向着欧盟所设计的轨道行进,最终达到在政治体制上中东欧国家与欧盟老成员国趋同和融合的目的。总体上看,欧盟对中东欧国家政党政治的塑造是非常成功的。然而,由于各国在入盟后更加强调本国经济、政治、文化的特性,欧盟的塑造作用在不断弱化,中东欧国家与西欧国家政党政治的差异性逐渐显露,甚至在某种程度上出现了"叛逆性"。     

中东欧国家在欧盟的利益诉求和利益博弈

自2004年以来,欧盟先后进行了三次东扩,11个中东欧国家加入了欧盟。由于经济发展水平、地缘政治环境、历史经验和政治文化等方面存在差异,中东欧新成员国与西欧老成员国在一系列问题上产生了分歧。本文介绍了中东欧国家在欧盟的利益诉求,阐述了中东欧国家在欧盟影响力的差异,分析了它们在欧盟进行利益博弈的特点。文章最后指出,唯有从欧盟的角度看待民族国家利益,加强与欧盟老成员国之间的信任、沟通和理解,积极参与欧洲一体化进程并提出建设性意见,中东欧新成员国才能提升自身在欧盟的影响力,并更多地从欧洲一体化进程中获利。     

欧盟东扩10周年与中东欧国家在欧洲的利益

2004年欧盟东扩以来,在经历了10年的学习和趋同进程之后,许多中东欧国家在欧盟内部的影响力不断提高,在欧洲政治和经济生活中的正向显示度也得到前所未有的提升。如今,许多中东欧国家不再局限于甘做欧洲大西洋共同体中的小伙伴,而是越来越雄心勃勃地致力于塑造平等关系。如果中东欧国家能够不断巩固其日益成长的政治成熟度、信心、经济活力和亲欧洲的能力,那么其必将为欧洲建设注入新的活力。本文讨论了中东欧国家在欧洲的利益、实现这些利益的障碍,以及克服这些障碍可能选取的战略。     

中东欧地区大国博弈新态势--兼论中国-中东欧国家合作面临的挑战与机遇

在地缘安全、能源、价值观等方面,美国、以德国为主要代表的欧盟国家以及俄罗斯在中东欧地区有着广泛而重要的利益。三者的互动关系呈现美俄博弈主导中东欧安全形势,美德(欧)联合制俄但共识有限,美德(欧)对中国在中东欧的经济介入保持警惕但难以形成合力三个特征。随着中美竞争的持续,美德(欧)与以波兰、匈牙利为代表的中东欧国家在价值观上的分歧扩大,美德(欧)对俄罗斯的地缘政治攻势升级,中东欧地区的大国力量格局发生了新的变化。美国对中国的战略围堵压力持续加大,以德国为代表的欧盟国家对中东欧国家的控制力不断降低,俄罗斯反“守”为“攻”回应西方威胁,而德国新政府和新一届欧盟委员会对华政策更加突出价值观因素,导致中国—中东欧国家合作面临的地缘政治压力总体上有增无减。但是,美欧内部也并非铁板一块,以德国为代表的欧盟国家在中东欧控制力的弱化以及美欧与波兰、匈牙利等国关系的恶化,也为持续推进中国—中东欧国家合作带来了潜在机遇。以上因素作为影响中东欧国家对华政策的重要变量,需要密切关注。     

China–CEE Trade,Investment and Politics

Abstract

The growing and intensifying cooperation between China and 16 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries has generated extensive criticism by and concerns among EU institutions and Western European member states of the Union. According to diplomatic presumptions, China aims to gain political leverage in exchange for economic benefits in the EU through its CEE members. The following article attempts to evaluate the correlation between the quality of bilateral political relations and economic relations of China and CEE countries in order to draw conclusions on the importance or, on the contrary, the irrelevance of Chinese activity in the region.     

The changing nature of the transatlantic link: U.S. approaches and implications for Central and Eastern Europe

This article examines the changing security, economic and diplomatic components of the transatlantic link, with a particular focus on Washington's approach and implications for Central and Eastern Europe. The United States continues to play an essential role as security underwriter in the region, but the military dimension of the transatlantic relationship is transforming and will result in greater burdens on Europeans. Economic links between the U.S. and Central Europe are developing more strongly than generally understood, and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is likely to drive both political and economic ties. Unconventional gas developments are enhancing U.S. engagement in European energy markets. Finally, the U.S. remains keen to engage its European partners on a broad agenda of global and regional issues and retains its own interests in working particularly with Central and Eastern European countries to lend stability to ‘wider Europe’.     

Introduction

Central Eastern Europe (further CEE) has been thoroughly reconstructed during nearly a quarter of century since the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the cold war. The CEE countries turned to the West for economic and technological advancement, for political and administrative models as well as for protection. The authors coming from eight different countries look at the place and role of the former member states of the Warsaw Pact in the new European and international constellation. This concept of CEE includes most pro-western states of the former ‘Eastern block’: the four countries of Central Europe (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) and the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia). There were many tumultuous political developments in and around the region within the last decade, and especially during the last five years when the financial crisis started to take its toll. While the Atlantic link of Central and Eastern Europe is still strong, many commentators have pointed out its wearing strategic meaning. The balance between the focus on the USA and the EU has shifted in favour of Europe. However, this shift has rather been an incomplete one due to the region's own political and economic problems. The aim of this special issue is to analyse the new constellation by looking at the CEE countries themselves, at their ability to react and adapt, produce sound political strategies and act on as national actors: through bilateral ties, regional co-operation, NATO and the EU. Also, the main external actors - the USA, Russia and Germany - are looked at as they directly influence the way how the CEE countries shape their policies.     

Left-wing authoritarianism is not a myth, but a worrisome reality. Evidence from 13 Eastern European countries

A sometimes heated debate between authoritarianism researchers takes place on the issue of authoritarianism on the left. Some researchers argue that authoritarianism is typical for right-wing political orientation while other researchers assert that authoritarianism can also be found at the left side of the political spectrum. The aim of this paper is twofold. First, we aim to contribute to the ongoing discussion on left-wing authoritarianism. Using representative samples, the relationship between authoritarianism and political preferences is examined in 13 ex-communist Eastern European countries. Employing six different indicators of left-wing/communist political orientations make clear that, despite cross-national differences, left-wing authoritarianism is definitely not a myth in Eastern European countries. Second, it was aimed to survey whether authoritarian persons in Eastern European countries might be a possible threat for the transition to democracy. Based upon five items it was demonstrated that in general the Eastern European population seems to hold a positive opinion on democracy. However, it becomes also clear that authoritarian persons in the ex-communist countries are significantly less positive towards democracy.     

Inequality and Support for Political Engagement in New Democracies

Existing studies of income inequality and political participation—including related literature, for example, on preferences for redistribution—leave us with the question of whether citizens see political democracy as offering ways to challenge market inequalities. Using original surveys in 13 Central and Eastern European countries, I find that those who see high and undesirable levels of income inequality have stronger demands for popular democratic participation than those who do not. In addition, neither the aggregate levels of support for political engagement nor individuals’ perceptions of inequality are coordinated with either national-level indicators of income inequality or democratic performance.     

Legacies of State Socialism: A Comparative Study of Elite Attitudes towards EU Economic Competitiveness in Western and Central Eastern Europe

Abstract

The elites of Western Europe prefer social security for all citizens as the major aim of the EU, while the preference of Central and Eastern European elites is for a more globally competitive European economy. This disparity between elite preferences may be accounted for by the distinct electorates and elites’ responsive strategic calculations, or by the process of socialisation Central and Eastern European elites undergo during exposure to the EU. This article argues that the predominant reason for the difference in elite attitudes towards economic competition is the lasting effect of state socialism in Central and Eastern European countries.     

从美苏之间到美欧俄之间——1989年后中东欧国家的外交战略与大国关系的互动

在中东欧国家由苏联"卫星国"向北约和欧盟成员的转变中,苏联、美国、北约、欧盟及俄罗斯对中东欧国家的政策及它们之间的关系起到了至关重要、有时甚至是决定性的作用。正是在美苏对峙格局崩溃,美国成为世界唯一的超级大国,美、欧、俄的博弈渐次展开但远未构成三足鼎立的情况下,中东欧国家以加入北约与欧盟为主要内容的"回归欧洲"战略得以确立和实施。中东欧国家加入北约和欧盟对美、欧、俄关系产生了一定的影响,但不会从根本上改变与美、欧、俄之间现有的关系格局。     

Poland,Germany and the EU: Reimagining Central Europe

Abstract

In this article, we look at the fissures in United Europe from both sides of the region where a post-Cold War ‘Middle/Central Europe’ should have been forged. How do leading German and Polish newspapers treat the categories of ‘Central’ or ‘Middle’ Europe relative to the concept of the Eastern–Western European divide and what are the discourses associated with these perspectives? At the time of a looming redefinition of the entire European project, what can media reports from Germany and Poland tell us about its future? We conclude that the media narratives in these two countries portend further tensions for European unity, since the new divisions now overlap the old ones. Our findings have implications for the future of democracy in the newly democratic countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland.     

The determinants of foreign direct investment inflows in the Central and Eastern European Countries: The importance of institutions

This study investigates the determinants of FDI inflows in six Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) by incorporating the traditional factors and institutional variables over the 1996–2009 period. The study identifies whether and how these determinant factors differ across four investor countries (EU-15, the US, China, and Japan). The results verify the positive and economically significant role of GDP size, trade openness, EU membership, and institutions (measured by economic freedoms, state fragility, political rights, and civil liberties indices) on FDI inflows. The results also reveal the existence of notable differences in the determinant factors across four investor countries.