汉学家A.B.鲁达科夫的中国东北考察及在俄国汉学史上的地位

20世纪初，A.B.鲁达科夫对中国东北进行了四次考察，奠定了他在俄国汉学史上的地位。其主要成就：（1）出版了俄国第一部研究义和团运动史的著作；（2）出版了俄国第一部研究奉天皇宫的著作；（3）出版了俄国第一部研究当时中国吉林省的著作；（4）使俄国东方学院图书馆汉学文献收藏跻身世界前列。     

中东铁路及其附属地警察机构浅析

中东铁路及其附属地设置了各级俄国警察机构和大量警察.其基本职能是防控中国居民对中东铁路和俄国殖民者的“危害活动”及侦破各种案件,镇压中国东北人民反抗,维护沙俄在中东铁路及其附属地的殖民统治.十月革命后,通过颁布法规和设置正式警察机构等途径,中国政府逐渐收回了中东铁路及其附属地的警察权.     

论"布拉格之春"对苏联内政的影响

"布拉格之春"这一发生在捷克斯洛伐克的改革事件与赫鲁晓夫的非斯大林化的改革及柯西金的"新经济体制"改革同根同源,都是冲击斯大林模式的重要尝试."布拉格之春"及苏联的出兵镇压对苏联内政产生了重大影响:它使得苏联反改革力量占了优势,停止了"新经济体制"改革的步伐;它还使得苏联由"三驾马车"的集体领导体制走向了勃列日涅夫的个人集权政治;同时,它使苏联的意识形态领域走向全面保守,空洞的意识形态宣传代替了理论上的探索.苏联出兵镇压"布拉格之春"是苏联走向全面停滞的重要转折点.     

朝鲜与韩国经济合作现状与前景

朝鲜与韩国经济合作现状与前景张世和朝鲜半岛同中国、俄国两个大国接壤，同海洋国家日本毗邻，自古以来一直成为向日本传播大陆文化的陆桥。朝鲜半岛总面积为２２１３７０平方公里，其中朝鲜面积为１２９３７０平方公里，韩国面积为９９２３７平方公里。朝鲜半岛总人口为...     

近代以来中日两国对俄国东扩的不同反应

俄国自17世纪以来交替对中日两国进行扩张，但是他对日本的扩张举动总是遭到日本政府的强烈抵制，而在中国的蚕食扩张屡屡得手。中日在国际体系转换中角色定位的不同是出现这种反应差异的根本原因；而中日两国地缘位置不同和对外界信息的了解程度不同深刻影响了两国对俄国东扩的反应；同时，中日两国对国际环境理解和把握的差异也是两国对俄国东扩出现不同反应的重要原因。     

列宁领导时期的苏维埃俄国对阿富汗的外交政策

苏联出兵入侵阿富汗已经两年了。两年来,在联合国和其他一些国际会议上,主持正义的国家纷纷谴责苏联对阿富汗的军事占领和对阿富汗人民的血腥镇压,明确要求外国军队撤出阿富汗,尊重阿富汗的独立并承认阿富汗人民自己决定自己命运的权利,这对正在进行反侵略斗争的阿富汗人民是有力的声援。但是,苏联仍千方百计地要把对阿富汗     

19世纪60—70年代俄国对朝政策

在19世纪60—70年代美国和日本强迫朝鲜开港过程中,俄国没有加入其中,而是采取了观望政策,这和80年代俄国积极参与朝鲜事务是截然不同的。俄国之所以如此是由两个原因决定的：俄朝间存在民间陆路贸易,它给俄国带来巨大益处;而朝鲜开港给俄国带来的好处有限。俄国远东地区资本主义发展滞后,航运业不发达,既没有商品向朝鲜输出,也无运输商品的船只。在这样的背景下,俄国没有介入美日的行动。     

远东战役

远东战役是第二次世界大战后期苏联出兵中国东北、朝鲜北部、千岛群岛和南萨哈林,歼灭日本关东军的一次战略性进攻战役.     

俄日关系的历史回顾

一、早期俄日关系及领土问题 俄日两国交往历史悠久。两国间于1855年2月7日签订第一个官方条约,即《日俄友好条约》。条约第一条规定:两国今后永远真诚和睦,在各所领地区,互相保护。不但人的生命,其它日常用品,也不应使之发生损害。第二条规定:今后日本国和俄国的边界应在择捉岛与得抚全岛之间。择捉岛属于日本,得抚全岛及其以北的千岛群岛属于俄国。     

1840-1920年间的中俄关系

19世纪中叶,中俄两个相邻的封建大国走向了截然不同的发展道路。19世纪下半叶,俄国掀起了两次侵华高潮。第一次是19世纪中叶,俄国利用英法发动鸦片战争之机割占了中国东北和西北边疆150多万平方公里的土地;第二次是19世纪末,俄国推行"和平征服"中国的策略,诱迫清政府签订《中俄密约》,获取了在中国东北修筑中东铁路的特权,使东北成了俄国独占的势力范围。十月革命后,苏俄政府宣布废除沙皇政府与中国签订的一系列不平等条约,但由于种种原因,这一正确的决定未能付诸实施。     

‘Weak ally’ or ‘strong enemy?’: Japan in the eyes of Russian diplomats and military agents, 1900-1907

Abstract

At the dawn of the twentieth century, ignorance towards the growing military power of Japan led Imperial Russia to her unexpected and decisive loss of the war of 1904–1905. Just ten years earlier in 1895, Japan was almost half-robbed of the spoils of her victory over China by the Western Powers (including Russia), which insisted on revising the Treaty of Shimonoseki. The Boxer Rebellion of 1899–1901 stopped this confrontation and turned Japan and Russia into allies for a short time: Russian and Japanese soldiers fought together against the Chinese, constituting the two largest units among the five allied troops with Russians playing the leading role on the battlefield and the Japanese being their loyal deputy (as it was viewed by Russian media of the time). All these circumstances led Russia to underestimate the Japanese army in the following years. However, the Russo-Japanese War itself changed that attitude, turning it into a sort of ‘a-next-war-to-be-hysteria’ among the Russian officials who served in Japan after the war. The reports by Russian military agents and diplomats from special collections in the Hoover Institution of War, Columbia University, and other archives used in this paper show us that despite being their government's only ‘eyes’ watching the Orient, sometimes those eyes were ‘blinded’ by the loss in the recent war and by their own experiences. One major reason for this was that many Russian diplomats, military agents and spies had long been serving in the Far East, and for some of them the transformation of Japan from ‘weak ally’ to ‘strong enemy’ status happened so swiftly, they came to overestimate this new ‘peril.’ Another problem was Japanese language skill. In the same way that Russia could not properly predict the growing power of Japan before 1904, she wanted after the war to obtain all possible information about her neighbor and, thus, paid special attention to educating a new generation of oriental specialists.     

19世纪后半期俄国远东地区对中国东北农畜产品的需求

19世纪中叶俄国占领中国黑龙江以北、乌苏里江以东大片领土并向该地派遣驻军和移民后，俄国远东地区所需物资、尤其是农畜产品极度缺乏，所缺农畜产品中的相当大部分需从相邻的中国东北购买。19世纪后半期中国东北农畜产品的对俄输出，一方面满足了俄国远东地区对粮食、肉类和畜力的迫切需要，从而为该地区的经济发展提供了先决条件；另一方面，对中国东北农牧业的发展也起到了一定的促进作用。     

东北亚国家贸易引力模型实证检验及潜力分析

近些年,东北亚国家的贸易问题,一直受到许多学者的关注。通过采用贸易引力模型从实证角度分析验证:决定东北亚各国2003年双边贸易状况的主要因素是:贸易伙伴的经济规模(GDP)、空间距离、人口和制度安排。根据东北亚各国之间应有贸易额的估计,中国对韩俄,日本对俄,韩国对日俄,蒙古对韩的出口潜力巨大。当务之急是扩大中、日、韩三国的经济合作。     

21世纪的中、日、俄木材区域贸易

中国和日本是世界传统的木材消费大国和进口大国 ,而俄罗斯是世界木材资源最丰富的国家之一 ,3国地理相近 ,贸易互补性极强 ,但研究表明 ,3国木材贸易的发展规模远未达到应有的水平。俄罗斯尽管在木材资源方面具备丰富的要素禀赋 ,但却在劳动力、资本、技术、信息、组织、制度等 6大要素方面存在严重短缺 ,而日本和中国在资本、信息、技术、组织、制度等 5要素方面具备资源禀赋。因 3国在组织和制度要素方面存在巨大差异 ,中国将在 2 1世纪的日俄木材贸易中发挥举足轻重的作用     

Russian–Japanese relations after the Russo-Japanese war in the context of world politics

Abstract

The Treaty of Portsmouth could not solve all the diplomatic problems between Russia and Japan, and dissenting voices were heard in both countries. Nevertheless, Russo-Japanese relations went in the direction of not only normalization, but also building an alliance. That radical change from hostility has not often happened in history and needs careful research, in particular the early stages of this process after the conclusion of the Treaty of Portsmouth. The construction of an alliance was not the primary goal at the beginning of Russo-Japanese negotiations after the war between the two nations. This goal appeared during the process of solving different problems, and so the international situation is extremely important to understand changes in Russo-Japanese relations. This process had several facets. First, there was the deterioration in Anglo-German relations with a corresponding realignment of British policy towards Russia. Second was the resolution of problems in Central Asia between Russia and Great Britain. Third, there was the mutual interests Japan and Russia had in China, in particular rail interests, which were related to the organic unity of the northern part of the Russian railroad in China. Finally, Russia had the desire to keep relations with France as a corner-stone of foreign policy.     

蒙古国“多支点”外交战略与大国关系

前苏联解体和冷战结束后 ,地处中俄之间的蒙古国放弃了长期奉行的“一边倒”外交政策 ,制定了均衡发展与中俄两大邻国关系。同时 ,发展与美日等西方大国关系以及立足亚太地区的“多支点”外交战略。目前 ,蒙古国与南北两个邻国建立了蒙中睦邻互信伙伴关系和蒙俄睦邻传统伙伴关系 ,与美国发展战略伙伴关系 ,与日本确立了综合性伙伴关系。蒙古积极发展与大国的均衡关系 ,其意义在于 ,保障国家的独立、安全和未来发展 ,扩大自身活动空间 ,提高其国际地位 ,而且利用与大国的均势平衡使其相互牵制 ,以便从中获取更多利益。     

'Not Proficient in Table-Thumping': Sir Ernest Satow at Peking, 1900-1906

Satow's diplomatic career was more multifaceted than the older, often Japan-centred, assessments of his work suggest. His period as minister to China especially has not been given the attention it deserves. His appointment to the Peking legation coincided with one of the most momentous periods in Sino-Western relations in the aftermath of the Boxer crisis of 1900. Satow exercised significant influence on the negotiations which led to the Boxer settlement of September 1901; and he proved to be a shrewd and skilful player in the Great Power competition for influence in China. The last two years of his term at the head of the Peking legation were taken up with steering British diplomacy through the turbulences caused by the Russo-Japanese War.     

关于越战期间美国老挝政策的国外成果研究综述

冷战初期，老挝本不是美国东南亚政策的重点问题，但随着越南战争的爆发，美国对老挝的重视程度逐步加深，直至派出地面部队进行干涉。这一问题值得深思。国外针对该领域的研究已硕果累累，但国内的相关研究才刚刚起步。对国外相关研究成果的整理和推介，应有助于推动国内学者在该领域的研究取得更新突破。     

Do Russia and China promote autocracy in Central Asia?

The purpose of our paper is to contribute to the literature on autocracy promotion by analyzing Central Asia as the most-likely case, considering both Russia and China as relevant external actors. We develop a concept for our analysis based on the different strategies of Russia and China towards the region and present the results of a qualitative study of the main dimensions of autocracy promotion (regional organizations, economic cooperation, and interference and threat). Based on this qualitative study, we define variables measuring the potential for autocracy promotion and test our hypotheses using panel data for 24 post-communist countries. The somewhat surprising result of our analysis is that, in contrast to Russia's dominance mode of operation, China's doing-business approach towards its neighbors in Central Asia may have—although unintentionally—even positive effects in terms of improving governance and undermining autocratic structures.     

日俄入侵对东北招民垦荒的影响（1860～1911）

随着自19世纪50年代以来沙俄的移民和侵略,清政府逐步解除了东北地区的封禁政策,开始招民垦荒,以图巩固边防。中日甲午战争后,日本也把侵略的触角伸向这一地区。尤其是在日俄战争结束后,沙俄和日本分别将＂北满＂、＂南满＂划为各自的势力范围,以铁路为依托,逐步实行殖民统治。沙俄和日本的入侵使得清政府感到自己在东北的统治受到严重的威胁,为维持在东北的统治,进一步把东北的荒地全体开放。总体来看,这一时期清政府在东北地区招民垦荒政策的实施与日俄长期争夺东北是密不可分的。