在中国的东南亚留学生的文化适应问题——对广西民族大学东南亚留学生的调查

近年来,在中国的东南亚留学生人数不断增多,由于宗教、社会风俗、传统习惯、教育等方面的差异,留学生在文化适应方面存在不同程度的困难。本文通过问卷调查和个别访谈,了解和分析在中国的东南亚留学生在人际交往、学业、心理、生活环境、文化认同等方面的文化适应问题,并提出相应的调适建议。     

扩大东盟留学生教育规模 推进广西高校国际化

留学生教育是推动高校向国际化迈进的重要因素。在中国一东盟合作背景下,扩大东盟国家留学生在广西的规模对推进广西高校的国际化具有重要意义。本文阐述了留学生教育与学校国际化的关系,分析了东盟留学生在广西高校的现状并就如何在良好的发展契机下进一步加大东盟留学生规模,推动广西高校的国际化进程提出了措施和构想。     

在俄罗斯的中国留学生

近两年以来,不管在莫斯科、圣彼得堡,还是弗拉基米尔、伊万诺沃,都能在大街、商店或者一些风景区,见到成群结队的中国留学生。“俄罗斯到底有多少中国自费留学生?”有人说,至少有一万人,也有人认为在俄罗斯最少也在两万人以上。     

越南学生在广西留学现状分析

近10年来,随着中国与越南在各个层面的交流不断拓展和深入,中国的越南留学生迅速增多,其中在广西的越南留学生人数占来华越南留学生人数将近三分之一。本文对越南学生在广西留学的现状、越南留学生在广西留学的模式、广西各高校留学生管理体制等进行分析。     

浅议中国—东盟合作背景下来桂东盟留学生情感教育对策

近年来,随着来桂留学生规模的日益壮大,留学生的情感教育问题随之凸显出来。在中国—东盟"10+1"背景下开展东盟留学生的情感教育,其内涵和策略的调整与变化给当今广西高等教育国际化带来了诸多挑战。本文分析了来桂留学生情感教育的内涵以及广西开展东盟留学生情感教育的优势,提出了加强和完善来桂东盟留学生情感教育的对策。     

对东南亚留学生的现代汉语课程教学策略

现代汉语课程是留学生在学习汉语过程中必修的一门专业课。本文从笔者现代汉语教学的经验出发，选取东南亚留学生学习现代汉语的情况作为研究对象，从教学现状、教学内容和具体教学策略等角度对东南亚留学生的现代汉语课程的教学进行探讨和研究。     

广西留学生招生策略研究

广西的留学生招生工作有着辉煌的历史,今天也仍然保持着不错的发展势头,但还有很多不足,有巨大的潜力可挖。广西在留学生招生工作方面有其自身的优势,也有其劣势;总体上,现行的招生策略相对传统和落后。本文认为,应该将留学生招生工作作为一个科学工程来抓,这涉及三个维度：外部环境、内部条件和内外接口。本文根据三个维度的理论,结合广西的实际情况提出建议。     

印度吸引外国留学生现状分析

本文就在印外国留学生的数量变动态势、占其高校在校生总额的比重、接受学历教育类别、经费来源以及在印留学生生源的地区分布等问题进行了深入细致的分析与研究以期探索某些深层次问题的根由。     

中国海外留学生思想政治教育刍议

自1847年容闳赴美以来,中国学子远赴海外求学的历史已经走过了将近160年,许多中国留学生在海外的艰苦奋斗使世人看到了中国人“天行健,君子以自强不息;地势坤,君子以厚德载物”的可贵精神。“中国留学生”是勤奋、刻苦以及“精英”的代名词,是响当当的“国际品牌”,他们很多人成为中华民族的栋梁之才。当前,随着我国改革开放的进一步深入和加入W TO后对国外教育的广泛放开,众多的中国家长和学子纷纷选择出国留学的道路,使中国海外留学生数量激增。据统计资料,中国目前是世界上出国留学生最多的国家,近20多年来,共有58.2万留学生赴103个国…     

广西师范大学越南留学生教育发展的回顾与展望

一、广西师范大学越南留学生教育溯源与发展中越两国山水相连 ,人民睦邻友好 ,在过去的半个多世纪里 ,两国在跨国跨文化教育领域友好合作、培养人才方面取得了丰硕成果和宝贵的经验。广西师范大学(以下简称广西师大)始建于1932年 ,励精图治70余载 ,已发展成广西壮族自治区的一所教学和科研并重发展的重点综合大学。追溯广西师大越南留学生教育发展历史 ,20世纪50～70年代 ,中国政府帮助越南在广西师大现校址等地开办了6所学校 :1951～1957年 ,越南育才学校 ;1953～1957年 ,旨在帮助越南人学习汉语的中国语文专修学校 ;1966～1975年 ,阮文追…     

Terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir in theory and practice

This article argues there is a need for a more nuanced analysis of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir than has been available so far. First, the popular legitimacy of violent groups has little bearing on their operation. Rather, the keys to the intensity of terrorist activity are held by Pakistan's military establishment. Second, the supposedly secular-nationalist movement of the early 1990s was in fact deeply Islamist in character; there has been a greater unity of thought underpinning terrorism than the literature admits. Finally, the article argues, the operation of terrorism needs to be read not simply in the limited context of Jammu and Kashmir, but as part of a larger South Asian crisis of identity.     

Institutional divergence and convergence in the Asia-Pacific? ASEAN in practice and in theory

This paper gives attention to the geopolitics related to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an alternative model of regionalism in theory and practice. Offering a rough periodization of ASEAN in IR theory, it considers interacting theoretical and empirical developments, and their geopolitics as one way to think about, first, ASEAN, its defining dynamics and processes of change, and, second, ASEAN's relationship to a larger IR theory literature defined by US preoccupations and the institutional trajectory of the European Union. Three periods are considered: a Cold War period, when ASEAN norms and practices developed relatively insulated from great power expectations and theorizing about ASEAN was minimal; the 1990s, when constructivist theorizing encouraged new thinking about alternative institutional models; and the 2000s, a period characterized by correlating great power pressures and a ‘functional’ turn in academic and theoretical debates about ASEAN. Special attention is given to the United States as a major, leading actor in both world politics and the institutionalization of international relations as a discipline, as well as the possibilities and constraints of institutional divergence in theory and practice.     

Islam and politics in Europe and in Asia: Comparative reflections

This article compares the role of religion, and of Islam in particular, in politics in Europe and in South and South East Asia. It starts out with the policy dilemmas facing France, Europe's most secular country that also has Europe's largest immigrant Muslim community. After long debates nation-wide Muslim organisation is now sponsored by the state in order to strengthen moderate Islam in France. In contrast, explicit Christian parties are in decline in most of Europe. Those who are still electorally successful are Christian mostly in name only and have turned into centre-right conservative people's parties instead. Religious discourse in politics has hence vanished almost entirely in Europe. In difference in Asia Islamic opposition parties have managed to set increasingly the political agenda in the majority Islamic states. In those countries with an Islamic minority their public religious agitation serves to strengthen their ethnic minority identity. Meaningful bi-continental dialogue needs to be aware of this discrepancy in religious politics.     

经济继续衰退 改革面临困境——2002年拉美经济形势述评

20 0 2年 ,拉丁美洲和加勒比地区 (以下简称拉美地区 )的经济形势可以概括为 :经济继续衰退 ,改革面临困境。根据联合国拉美经济委员会最近发表的年度总结报告 ,拉美地区经济在上年仅增长 0 .4%的基础上 ,2 0 0 2年出现负增长 ( -0 .5% ) ,为最近 2 0年来首次出现负增长。人均国内生产总值 ( GDP)为 -1 .9%。阿根廷、乌拉圭和委内瑞拉的 GDP分别下降 1 1 %、1 0 .5%和 7% ,是衰退最严重的国家 ;秘鲁、多米尼加和厄瓜多尔 3国的增长率超过3 % ,算是拉美地区的佼佼者 ;其他国家的增长率都不到 3 % ,其中巴西和墨西哥两个地区大国分别只增长…     

Simultaneous in Growth and Different in Problems

Lu: On many occasions, politics and economy are in the same strain. Economic life is the only process that runs through history and undergoes environmental changes. World economy is the only world system. In today's world, the closer ties among various countries in e- conomy cause the complexity of political and foreign affairs. Last year's world economy took on a new feature. According to past experiences, when the economy in a region turns better, problems will usually arise in another regi…     

中印关系的回顾与展望

60年来,中印两国关系走过了一个不平坦的过程,大体上经历了"蜜月"期、冲突期、冷战期、解冻期、回暖期和加热期这样6个阶段。历史的经验教训说明,中印两国合则互利,斗则两伤,这已成为中印双方的共识。人们有理由相信,随着双方政治互信、经贸互惠、文化互通的日益加强,中印两国能够创造出共同繁荣的景象,能够为亚洲乃至世界和平作出重要贡献。     

明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的传播

本文主要探讨明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜的传播、影响及其本土化，并与《剪灯新话》在越南的传播进行宏观对比，探讨《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的不同境遇。     

Party competition in emerging democracies: representation and effectiveness in post-communism and beyond

Competition among political parties is subject to two demands: representation and effectiveness. This poses a dilemma for democratization, as the political opening creates pressures for the representation of long-suppressed voices, but the strain of socio-economic transformation engenders pressures for greater effectiveness in building market economies and democratic polities. How do new democracies cope with this dilemma? This article extends the author's previously published work on party-system institutionalization by focusing explicitly on this problem, including on how electoral reforms affect the distinct pulls of representation and effectiveness. Based on data from eastern European and former Soviet states compared to western European and Latin American experiences during their initial periods of democratization, the evidence shows that the institutionalization of representation and effectiveness in post-communism is more hazardous. Politics in the post-communist region is characterized by numerous contending parties, weak political actors and floating constituencies. Volatility is not only higher in comparison to other regions but continues unabated during successive elections. These conditions contribute to the ‘ineffective representation’ evident in the relatively large share of wasted votes at each election, with significant sectors of the electorate left out from legislative representation. Electoral reforms reflect the twin pressures: changes in formula in the direction of proportional representation favour broader representation, but higher thresholds seeking greater effectiveness make more difficult entry into parliament. The resulting mechanical and strategic effects confirm the expected direction of the reforms, although the contrary pulls towards representation and effectiveness render difficult the stabilization of party competition.     

中日两国对东南亚基础设施投资的竞合及影响研究

在21世纪第二个十年,中国与日本在对东南亚基础设施投资方面展开激烈竞争和初步合作.相对而言,在甄选东南亚基础设施项目进行投资过程中,中国更加追求地缘政治目标,日本则凸显了浓重的重商主义色彩,这在某种程度上缓解了双方的直接竞争.在对东南亚基础设施投资中,中国更多地运用了一种政府驱动、需求引导、自上而下的方法,日本则主要采取了市场驱动、私营部门大力参与、自下而上的方法,这瓦解了双方合作的基础.目前,中国与日本对东南亚基础设施投资的合作只在第三方市场少量地展开.中日两国在东南亚基础设施投资方面的竞争是双方争夺地区影响力的一部分.但是,中国与日本在东南亚各国的基础设施投资竞争并不会造成东盟内部的分裂,相反,考虑到基础设施建设的非流动性,这必将造福于东南亚人民.