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1.
Robert L. Jackson 《Society》2008,45(1):20-29
Over the past year, several published volumes have argued that American politics is careening out of control, toward a slippery
slope of twenty-first century theocracy. Most of these books present tendentious interpretations of contemporary politics
as matter-of-fact analysis. The reader is assumed to hold the same interpretive bias and warned of the dangers of a new and
powerful American “fundamentalism.” The current article explores a historical parallel to today’s trend. Nearly a century
ago, the Progressive Education movement sought to undermine the pedagogical dominance of traditional, literature-based education,
preferring a more socially-conscious curriculum. The striking similarities between John Dewey’s anti-traditional approach
and the present-day anti-theocracy faction are multitude—and worth our consideration. The seeds of Progressive Education are
now producing weeds of anti-religious sentiment across America’s political landscape—a cultural phenomena that is constricting
the growth of a much needed civil discourse.
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Robert L. JacksonEmail: |
2.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
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Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
3.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):219-238
In this paper, I explore the formation of human rights attitudes among what I call the “silent majority” in the post-communist
countries of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. This is the large, diverse group of people never directly confronted
with harsh methods of repression under communism. I argue here that the foundations for conceptualizing human rights are based
on the degree and saliency of exposure to rights violations and that, for many citizens of Central and Eastern Europe, life
behind the “iron curtain” is associated with relatively fewer rights violations than life after the iron curtain’s fall. Comparative
personal experiences will play a key role in explaining how these citizens conceptualize human rights. I test this argument
by applying it to the cases of Poland, where I conducted a total of 68 randomly selected non-elite interviews in an effort
to probe for key factors defining individuals’ conceptions of human rights.
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Brian GrodskyEmail: |
4.
5.
Laura Reidel 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):261-281
The case of the opposition to legalizing same-sex marriage in Canada is an example of the limits of what will and will not
be tolerated in the name of multiculturalism. This case offers an interesting perspective on the topic of multiculturalism,
because it deals with a conflict between those seeking to expand human rights and those seeking to prevent such expansion
because of their adherence to a particular set of cultural and religious beliefs. Despite Canada’s commitment to recognizing
and encouraging diversity within its population, the demands of the opponents of same-sex marriage were not accommodated.
Heeding the opponents of same-sex marriage would have amounted to violating the deeper commitment to individual rights and
human rights as interpreted by the Charter. Multiculturalism in Canada is a concept that is situated within an underlying
adherence to these core values.
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Laura ReidelEmail: |
6.
This paper explores whether an individual’s news source can explain their attitudes on immigration. We focus on the Spanish-speaking
population in the U.S., since they have the option of accessing their news in English, Spanish or in both languages. Our audience influence hypothesis predicts that Spanish-language news will cover immigration in a more positive and informative manner than will English-language
news. Thus, Latinos who use Spanish-language news may have a higher likelihood of possessing pro-immigrant sentiments than
Latinos who only use English-language news. Content analysis of Spanish and English-language television news segments reveals
variations in the tone and substance of these news outlets. Analysis of Latino survey respondents indicates that immigration
attitudes vary by news source. Generational status also influences Latinos’ immigration attitudes, though its impact is not
as great as one’s news source.
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Simran SinghEmail: |
7.
Luis E. Lugo 《Society》2007,44(6):109-112
Americans are not as religiously divided on foreign policy questions as they are over such hot-button, culture war domestic
issues as abortion and gay marriage. Nevertheless, surveys suggest that Americans’ attitudes on several foreign policy fronts
are consistent with a religious worldview. This analysis draws primarily on the findings of various PRC polls to examine the
relationship between religion and three areas of foreign policy: the role of the USA in the world; the nature of international
obligations; and the morality of war.
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Luis E. LugoEmail: |
8.
Danny Hayes 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):231-260
Scholars and political observers have suggested that television has “personalized” voting behavior in American presidential
elections by encouraging citizens to cast ballots on the basis of candidate image and personality. Though an oft-heard assertion,
little solid evidence exists that this is true, and the reinvigoration of partisanship and the persistence of ideological
conflict suggest personalization may be less pervasive than supposed. In this paper, I use National Election Studies data
to examine whether voters are more concerned with candidates’ personal characteristics now than they were at the outset of
the television era. I find, however, that voters are no more likely today to mention candidate personality as a reason for
their vote choice than they were in the 1950s and 1960s. Moreover, while personality affects voting behavior, its influence
on candidate choice is not significantly larger than it was a half-century ago. The results are not contingent on exposure
to television or political awareness and are insensitive to different measures of perceptions of candidate image. The findings
are consistent with the resurgence of partisan voting in American elections and suggest that some concerns about TV’s effects
on political judgment are exaggerated.
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Danny HayesEmail: |
9.
Karl Popper’s equation of the closed society with tribalism is reviewed and modified. The German origins of the anthropological
concept of culture and its related ideas of the folk culture and cultural relativism are explored. The vicissitudes of the
idea of The Folk and its swing from Right to Left are related to contemporary neo-primitivism. The open society and high culture
are defended.
相似文献
Robin FoxEmail: |
10.
In this paper, we examine whether the impact of negative advertising on citizens’ evaluations of candidates depends on the
gender of the candidates. Given common gender stereotypes, we expect negative campaigning aimed at women candidates will affect
citizens differently than negative campaigning against male candidates. The results of our study, derived from a survey experiment
conducted on a nationwide sample of more than 700 citizens, demonstrate that negative commercials are less effective at depressing
evaluations of woman candidates, compared to male candidates. The findings are consistent and strong, across a range of forces
that people use to assess competing candidates (i.e., affect and trait evaluations, people’s beliefs about issues, anticipated
vote choice). The tight control of the experimental design, including randomization of respondents into different conditions
that vary in only one way, demonstrates that the gender of the candidate influences people’s reactions to different types
of negative commercials.
相似文献
Patrick J. KenneyEmail: |
11.
Cindy D. Kam 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):343-367
Citizens are asked to make many judgments in politics, often in the face of scarce information and limited motivation. In
making political judgments, citizens may rely upon a variety of cues, including the partisanship, ethnicity, race, or sex
of candidates. Some cues, however, are more democratically troublesome than others. Democratic norms of equality suggest that
attitudes towards racial or ethnic groups should not influence citizens’ evaluations of candidates. Often, however, attitudes
towards these groups do matter. This article identifies a limiting condition on the effect of group attitudes: the presence
of a party cue. I demonstrate that attitudes towards Hispanics influence willingness to support a Hispanic candidate, but
only in the absence of a party cue. The article also contributes to existing work by analyzing both explicit and implicit
measures of attitudes towards groups. Explicit measures include stereotypes and feeling thermometers; implicit measures are
derived from a subliminal priming task. Subjects with positive attitudes towards Hispanics (whether these attitudes were measured
implicitly or explicitly) were more likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. Subjects with
negative attitudes towards Hispanics were less likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. The
presence of party cues, however, eliminates the impact of attitudes towards Hispanics on political choice.
相似文献
Cindy D. KamEmail: |
12.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
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George CrowderEmail: |
13.
James M. Avery 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):327-342
In contrast to what we know about the sources of political trust among whites, recent research suggests that political mistrust
among blacks indicates discontent with the political system. The current study adds to research investigating racial differences
in political trust by examining racial differences in the influence of the 2000 United States presidential election on political
trust. Specifically, I test for whether whites and blacks adjusted their trust in government in response to the Supreme Court’s
decision in Bush versus Gore (2000) and whether the influence of the Court’s decision on trust was dependent on partisan identification. The findings
indicate that blacks perceived the Court’s decision as illegitimate, reinforcing their mistrust in their political system.
相似文献
James M. AveryEmail: |
14.
This paper draws on an original survey and on the 2004 NES to explore the complexity of contemporary American conservatism.
In both datasets, we find evidence that economic and cultural conservatism stand as distinct strands of conservative attitudes.
The original survey also allows us to further explore the role of beliefs about the market in economic conservatism. In the
end, we find little support for either liberal hopes of fundamental ideological conflict among conservatives or conservative
hopes of ideological fusion. Instead, our data suggests that a particular type of ideological coexistence among economic and
cultural conservatives is the norm.
相似文献
Amy GanglEmail: |
15.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
相似文献
Mark N. KatzEmail: |
16.
Joanna R. Quinn 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):55-71
Getting to peace is not a straightforward process. In Uganda, internal conflict has raged for more than 20 years between the
Government and the Lord’s Resistance Army. The construction of a comprehensive negotiated settlement is at the mercy of conflicting
ideologies and influences at the international, national and grassroots levels. This paper examines the Juba peace talks,
the major actors in the negotiation process, and tension between prosecution and amnesty.
相似文献
Joanna R. QuinnEmail: |
17.
Using a pair of national surveys, this article analyzes the individual-level sources of public support for Social Security
privatization. Given the inherent risks associated with privatization, we argue that the political trust heuristic affords
untapped theoretical leverage in explaining public attitudes toward privatization. We find that, among certain individuals,
political trust plays an instrumental role in structuring privatization preferences. Political trust increases support for
privatization, but only among liberals. This heterogeneity in trust’s impact is best explained, we argue, by the unbalanced
ideological costs imposed by the potential privatization of Social Security. Among liberals, embracing privatization requires
the sacrifice of core values, thereby making political trust a potent consideration. Political trust is inconsequential among
conservatives because supporting privatization requires no comparable sacrifice for them.
相似文献
Elizabeth PoppEmail: |
18.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
19.
20.
Herbert F. Weisberg 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):143-149
The U.S. election of 2004 affords an opportunity to investigate how wartime affects presidential voting. The conventional
wisdom is that wartime presidents always get reelected, but previous studies have not examined how citizens' attitudes on the war affect their voting. The papers in this special issue investigate this process, looking at
how attitudes on the Iraq War, the larger War on Terrorism, and the so-called cultural war affected attitudes toward the presidential
candidates and voting. The studies use a wide variety of datasets and survey questions, showing that the different aspects
of the war resonate with different voters and that some of the effects of wartime are indirect through increasing the salience
of leadership in the election. Wartime presidents do not get reelected automatically; they have had success in reelection
because of how they use the war to build an image that can get them reelected.
相似文献
Herbert F. WeisbergEmail: |