Accounting for Taiwan's economic policy toward China

This article explores the ideas, institutions, and interests in which Taiwan's economic policy toward China is embedded. The authors indicate that the ideas behind Taiwan's economic policy toward China are as vibrant as ever, the political foundation for a coherent and feasible policy is eroding, and commercial interests are digressing from the Taiwan government's policy goals. Political forces around ideas have strong hearing on the formation of Taiwan's economic policy toward China. The truthfulness or falseness of the security argument is of intrinsic value to Taiwan's decision makers. The authors also point out that in order to have a complete picture of cross‐Strait economic relations, we need to specify how trade and investment with China influence Taiwan's distribution of political interests.     

The political economy of Taiwan's mainland policy

The emerging patterns of the cross‐strait interaction present a perplexing duality, revealing both the trends toward closer economic convergence and greater political divergence. Taiwan's mainland policy is both the manifestation and the catalyst of the two contradictory processes. It is the locus of confrontation of the various economic, social, and political forces that propels the two concurrent processes. It has been propelled by the epic changes in the global political economy, the market‐oriented reform in China, and Taiwan's economic restructuring process. It has also been prompted by the perceived challenges and opportunities brought about by the transition to the post‐Cold War era, the unraveling of structural conflicts between a status‐quo power (i.e., the US) and a rising power (i.e., the PRC) and by the politics of political succession within the CCP. In more immediate terms, it has been driven by the power struggle over political succession within the KMT, the bureaucratic process, the interest group politics, the partisan politics in both the electoral and legislative arenas, and the unfolding of the national identity crisis during Taiwan's recent transition to democracy.     

台湾资讯产业在中国大陆的经营方式

台湾资讯产业在中国大陆投资和经营的主要特征是,充分利用廉价劳动力,选择对降低成本、出口有利的经营形态,重视零部件配套的产业关连,与台湾总公司形成企业内部地区性的分工关系,主要是价格较低、附加价值较低、劳力密集的产品.     

台湾资讯产业的成长及其对中国大陆的投资

台湾资讯产业快速成长从而成为90年代最具竞争力的产业,但主要集中于电脑关连产业和半导体产业.成长的三大原因出口、0EM生产和在中国大陆当地生产,投资中国大陆的动因主要是劳动力和市场、岛内经营环境恶化等.     

National security vs. economic interests: reassessing Taiwan's mainland policy under Chen Shui‐bian

Having finished its first term, the Chen Shui‐bian Administration has found itself in deep water in the troubled cross‐Strait relations. Not only has Chen himself been making contradictory remarks, the Cabinet has been indecisive over issues related to China. The most difficult and irritating case for the DPP government has been the handling of the call made by high‐tech industries to allow them to invest in the mainland. The controversy seems to highlight a dilemma for Taiwan: while it needs the mainland market to save it from the current economic doldrums and create yet another potential ‘miracle’ of becoming a global economic powerhouse, it is worried that further economic engagement with its former rival may pose new kinds of threats to its national security. The debate over whether to allow an eight‐inch wafer foundry, the crown jewel of Taiwan's economy, to invest in the mainland market is but one case, albeit a highly significant one, of the difficult relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait.     

Beyond Power Politics: institution-building and Mainland China's Taiwan policy transition

Facing the ever-growing interdependence across the Taiwan Strait, Mainland China's strategy towards Taiwan is undergoing a profound change, that is, transcending the staunch realpolitik mentality and turning to an institutional arrangement in policy making. Especially since President Hu Jintao took up his position, the Mainland has endeavored to improve cross-Strait relations through the institutionalization of a series of sensitive issues, such as the proposals and signatures of some long-term accords aiming to advocate economic cooperation, promote social exchanges, weaken political opposition and foster mutual trust. By taking the Mainland's national development strategy shift, Taiwan's domestic reality and ‘institution deficit’ in cross-Strait relations into consideration, this paper analyzes the reasons, efforts and features of the Mainland's recent institutional-orientated policy transition.     

两岸经济合作机制及其对台湾经济发展影响分析

随着金融风暴的肆虐和中国-东盟"10+1"相关协议的生效,台湾经济形势不容乐观;为实现两岸经贸关系的正常化,尽快建立规范化、稳定化的两岸经济合作机制是大陆和台湾当局形成的基本共识.中共中央总书记胡锦涛提出和平发展海峡两岸关系的六点意见,明确倡导两岸签订"综合性经济合作协议".在台湾社会,基于政治化的因素对建立两岸经济合作机制还有很多障碍,但是,建立两岸经济合作机制是攸关台湾经济发展前景的必然要求.     

Rapprochement between Taiwan and the Chinese Mainland: implications for American foreign policy

This article examines US policy toward the improving relations between the Republic of China on Taiwan and the People's Republic of China. It also analyzes several policy options that the Barack Obama administration may wish to consider. In conclusion, the author suggests that, despite some arguments to the contrary, continuing the current policy supporting the growing rapprochement between Beijing and Taipei is in the best interest of the US.     

90年代台湾对往中国大陆资本投资的限制

海峡两岸经济交往的急剧扩大　　　　１９７９年以前,在台北和北京之间存在着高度的政治敌对气氛,双方几乎没有什么经济联系。１９７９年,北京对台湾的政策有了重大的转变,从准备解放台湾转向寻求和平统一。１９８７年１０月台北开放居民回中国大陆探亲,之后两岸的经济关系取得了迅速发展。更为重要的是１９９３年４月,中国大陆的海协会代表团和台湾的海基会代表团在新加坡举行了一次具有历史性意义的会议,尽管这次会议被标明是“非官方的”,但是双方代表团的团长都是由与双方最高领导层有着密切关系的前高级官员担任的。促使台湾对…     

中国大陆女性社会学的发展与建设

中国女性社会学并不是作为社会学的一个分支学科在 2 0世纪 70年代末至 80年代初中国大陆社会学的复兴中应运而生的 ,相反 ,它是 2 0世纪 80年代中期“妇女问题”研究的产物。在近 15年的进程中 ,中国大陆的女性社会学在研究的立场上以价值中立为主转变成价值中立、女性主义共存 ,甚至出现了某种女性主义的倾向 ;在研究的理念上 ,将妇女视作一种角色的“特殊性”逐渐转变成更多地关注妇女的多种角色 ,注意把握妇女作为“人”的整体整合性 ;在研究的方法上 ,对策研究的主倾向被打破 ,形成对策研究、纯学术研究、参与式研究三足鼎立的局面 ,而参与式研究正在成为中国女性社会学研究方法的一大特质 ;在研究内容方面 ,2 0世纪 80年代以“问题研究”为主 ,90年代上半叶以对“女人”研究为主 ,而从 90年代下半叶开始 ,“性别人”研究成为重点。这些变化的结果之一是 ,女性社会学由对社会学、妇女研究的依附走向相对独立 ,作为一个独立学科的女性社会学正在形成。     

希望与迷惘--女权主义与当代中国大陆女性写作

参照西方女权主义的接纳理论和发展情况,可以比较、概括、分析当代中国大陆女性作家不同阶段的写作实践.在中国当代社会文化发展进程中,虽然不具备像西方社会那样的女权主义产生与发展的社会、哲学和文化基础,也没有形成女权主义的运动和明确的理论,但是在女性作家们的写作中却包含有浓厚的女权主义的话语意识.20世纪80年代以后,在不同阶段的写作中还形成了鲜明的女权主义的文化话语.     

光复初期招商局在台湾的接收与经营

台湾光复前,招商局总经理徐学禹给台湾行政干部训练班的学员讲授《中央训练团台湾行政干部训练班航政讲义》,不但让学员们对台湾航政有了基本了解,而且提出了接收台湾应注意的问题,为台湾接收及重建做了展望。台湾光复后,招商局积极参与台湾的接收,接收敌伪地产,打捞敌伪船舶,建立台北分局及高雄、基隆办事处,开展对台运营,开辟对台航线,运送人员物资,促进了台湾航运业的复兴与发展,加强了两岸的交流与沟通。     

“宪法一中”与国民党当政时的大陆政策

“宪法一中”是指依据1947年“中华民国宪法”,世界上只有一个中国,即“中华民国”。国民党在退踞台湾后一直坚持“宪法一中”的立场。在四次修改《临时条款》和七次增修“中华民国宪法”后,“宪法一中”的核心立场仍然未变,但增加了“一国两区”等其他因素。     

20世纪60年代以来中国大陆的婆罗洲研究

中国与婆罗洲的友好往来历史久远,但大陆学术界对婆罗洲的了解和研究却十分有限,这与婆罗洲在各个方面的重要性都不相匹配。根据"中国知网"提供的数据对有关婆罗洲的学术论文和学位论文进行汇总和整理后发现,自20世纪60年代以来,中国大陆的婆罗洲研究可以大致分为高潮、低谷和升温三个阶段。尽管近年来在研究数量和质量上开始有所回升,但还存在着基本概念混乱、总量不足和选题方法单一等问题。由于婆罗洲本身具有地理、历史、政治、生态和文化等方面的重要性,因而对其进行学术研究也具有重要性和紧迫性。     

台商大陆投资的产业集聚问题

台商在大陆以产业集聚方式投资是台商为降低企业交易成本,提升企业竞争力而普遍采取的一种投资策略。台商在大陆投资产业集聚呈现明显的阶段性、网络性与根植脆弱性等基本特征。共享市场资源,降低信息成本,获取最大投资回报,提升企业的创新能力,龙头企业的带动等都是台商投资产业集聚形成的重要动因。台商投资产业集聚为现阶段大陆各级政府对台招商引资提供了新的思路。     

网络传播学视野下的海峡两岸妈祖网站对比研究

在民间,妈祖已成为海内外华人共同景仰的海上和平女神.妈祖文化是中华民族传统文化的重要组成部分.目前,大陆和台湾均设置了以宣传妈祖文化为内容的网站.对于这一现象,我们应该从网络传播学的角度进行分析比较,充分利用互联网的优势,积极有效地"设置议程"、当好"把门人"、培养"意见领袖",更好地弘扬妈祖精神和中华民族传统文化,促进海内外华人的文化认同,进而实现祖国的和平统一.     

The cross‐strait talks of 1993—The rest of the story: Domestic politics and Taiwan's mainland policy

In April 1993 ‘unofficial’ representatives of the mainland and Taiwan met in Singapore. This was the most important cross‐strait meeting since the end of the civil war in 1949 and was held against a background of growing contact that had begun in the late 1980s. However, these meetings also came at a time when the political system in Taiwan was undergoing a process of dramatic change. The development of an opposition party, divisions within the ruling KMT party, a more assertive Legislative Yuan and the sprouts of interest group politics all provided a domestic context for the meetings in Singapore. This paper looks at the manner in which these domestic factors shaped the tone and substance of Taiwan's bargaining position at these talks.     

中国大陆有组织犯罪发展的11种趋势

由于各种消极因素的影响 ,中国大陆有组织犯罪的发展将呈现出如下发展趋势 :1.在数量上将呈增长之势 ,在质量上将向典型的黑社会组织演化 ;2.将成为影响某些地区社会治安秩序的主要威胁 ;3.犯罪形式将不断翻新 ;4.“组织化”程度将有明显提高 ;5.将逐步走向“职业化” ;6.反社会心理更加严重 ,犯罪手段将更加狡猾 ;7.装备将更加现代化 ,持枪抢劫等大案将急剧增加 ;8.农村有组织犯罪的升级为农村黑社会势力的发展准备了条件 ;9.向经济领域的发展将进一步加速 ;10.向政治领域的渗透将日趋明显 ;11.“国际化”的趋势将日益突出。     

两岸律师辩护权比较研究

我国大陆地区现行刑事诉讼法对于侦查阶段辩护人地位的正式确认,相比旧法无疑是一大进步。相较于台湾地区的律师辩护权,两岸的律师辩护权虽在权利范围上大致相同,但其相似性实多限于表面,在权利的制度规定、行使机制、法制环境上却不尽相同:如辩护律师的在场权、会见权的行使程序和权利救济机制、调查取证权限以及辩护律师的独立上诉权等方面。深入分析两岸法律背后的理念和制度背景,可以发现导致其差异的主要原因是两岸的法律制度、司法体制、内外部环境及刑事诉讼模式不同。通过对两岸律师辩护权的发展趋势进行比较,有助于借鉴台湾地区律师辩护权的积极因素,探索大陆地区律师辩护权发展的正确方向。