论国民参政会对抗战经济的贡献

国民参政会是抗日战争时期由国民党政府主持成立，包括国民党、共产党及其他抗日党派和无党派人士代表参与组成的一个咨询性质的准民意机关。国民参政会不仅是参政参政员发表政见的舞台，它在很大程度上还属于一个战时经济机构。在这一经济机构下，参政员对当时抗战经济作了充分的探讨，提出了很多有利于抗战的经济议案，这些议案影响政府的经济政策并帮助政府解决当时的经济困难，因而国民参政会在经济上为抗战的胜利作了贡献。     

抗战后各小党派政治思想评析

抗战胜利后,由于国共两党斗争的背景和现实政治影响,中国出现了一大批小党派。这些党派成立目的不一,倾向不同,最后的结局也是大相径庭。然而考察各小党派的政治思想,却有助于我们更为深刻地了解抗战后中国政治的特点,也更好地掌握中国共产党胜利和国民党失败的原因。     

论七七事变后党派合作局面的形成

日本对中国的入侵,改变了中国政治的格局,引发了国内阶级矛盾和阶级关系、政党关系的巨大变化,国共两党由武装对抗走向了合作,各中间党派也在全民族抗战的旗帜下走到了一起,形成了党派合作、全民族抗战的局面。     

中共为何能取得全国执政地位

中共之所以能取得全国执政地位,很大程度在于提出联合政府主张,孤立了国民党蒋介石集团,争取了中间党派;保护民族工商业,消除了民族资产阶级对"共产"的疑虑;实行土地改革和民主选举,得到了解放区广大农民的坚定支持。     

记抗战期间《大公报》的一段往事

抗战进入中后期,国民党和国民政府的行政机构日益臃肿,金融经济日见衰颓,政治腐败日甚一日。《大公报》对此不仅有所察觉,而且颇为“抗战建国的前途担忧”。它不仅将这方面的现象彻底揭露,更提出了一整套改革治理的良策。揭露丑恶毫不讳言早在1940年,《大公报》就开始对社会上的不正常现象加以披露,在1940年8月20日《大公报》重庆版上题为《如何达到清明政治?》的社评中就说:“说到这政治清明性,我们实在有点为抗战建国的前途担忧。”文章指出,我们“缺乏     

论抗战时期中国青年党与国共两党的关系

中国青年党历史上曾经既反共又反蒋 ,但九一八事变后 ,尤其是抗战时期 ,在民族存亡之秋 ,青年党从反帝爱国的立场出发 ,改变了对国民党、共产党的政治态度 ,由反蒋变为拥蒋抗日 ,取得了合法地位。同时在中共抗日民族统一战线政策的感召和推动下 ,一度放弃反共立场 ,参加到民主党派的行列中 ,同情、接近直至与中共亲密合作。由于国共两党实行两条不同的抗战路线 ,青年党斡旋于国共两党之间 ,协调国共关系 ,对国民党一面拥护争取其抗日 ,一面反对其一党专政和投降活动。参加抗日民主运动 ,政治上倾向中共 ,赞同、支持中共的全面抗战路线 ,维护…     

延安时期陕甘宁边区政治生态的建设路径

延安时期,中共全面、辩证地分析国际国内政治形势,通过民主政治建设和从严治党,在陕甘宁边区塑造出一种与几千年封建专制传统和国民党的独裁统治完全不同的良好政治生态,为抗战胜利和新民主主义革命胜利奠定了坚实的政治基础和社会基础。     

多党合作和政治协商制度之路越走越宽

在中国革命关键时刻，中国共产党发布了纪念“五一”劳动节的口号，此口号立即得到了各民主党派和无党派人士的积极响应。我们民进，不但与其他党派共同签名致电毛主席，而且还在香港发表“宣言”，指出“五一口号”23条是近百年来中国革命史的结晶，是今后中国政治运动舵向的指标，表示“本会（民进）对于中共的‘五一口号’，以十分的兴奋心。同意其号召”。     

中共为何能够屹立不倒？

新加坡《海峡时报》载文称：中共自中国改革开放以来存在至今不是偶然的。在过去30年里，中共变成越来越开放的政党体制。这就使中共有别于东方集团里倒台前的其他共产主义政党。东欧国家在共产党垮台后选择了西方道路，允许不同利益集团建立了不同政治党派。     

论毛泽东在抗日战争时期的多党合作思想

抗日战争时期,毛泽东深刻吸收中国传统文化的和合思想,以马列主义多党合作理论为基础,结合中国共产党与其他党派合作的经验形成了多党合作思想。其主要内容包括多党合作的重要性、原则、策略和组织形式。这些思想对于丰富和完善毛泽东思想以及马克思主义统一战线理论;反对国民党一党专制,团结民主党派合作抗日;推动中国革命和民主政治建设,建立和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作政治制度具有重要价值。     

The military and the prospects for Spanish democracy 1

Involvement of the army in Spanish politics derived from the weakness of political institutions, but it was accentuated by the caste‐like qualities the army acquired. Defence of career interests supplies a clear element of continuity and helps to explain the emergence of Franco's dictatorship. That regime retained military support by skilfully managing professional interests, but the price of army support was the retention of outdated military structures. Reform is now desired by the new generation of army officers, and military allegiance to democratic institutions may partly depend on satisfying these aspirations. In the long run, however, the resolution of this issue depends on developments in the national polity.     

Thailand’s unrest: a test for democracy

There is no obvious or easy way out of the long-running confrontation that lies at the heart of Thailand’s politics. And in the absence of decisive intervention by either the monarch or the army, there is good reason to believe that the current unrest will continue.     

Pakistan’s delicate civil–military balance

As the lynchpin of the critical civil–military relationship, Pakistan’s new chief of army staff Raheel Sharif will be able to exert influence over national politics and regional relationships, and potentially determine the success of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s third term in office.     

武装力量与建国大业——首届全国政协中的军队代表及其政治影响

“人民政协为新中国的建立做出了重大贡献。”人民军队也为人民政协的召开和新中国的成立做出了重大贡献。解放军是新政治协商会议的筹备者,也是第一届全国政协会议的重要组织者和参与者。新政治协商会议筹备会由23个单位共134人组成,解放军是筹委会委员最多的单位之一。第一届政协代表中不仅有一批威名远扬的著名将帅,也有很多可歌可泣的战斗英雄,解放军代表也是第一届全国政协会议中的大明星。在首届政协代表中,还有一批引人注目的“特殊”代表,即来自国民党军队的起义或投诚人员。第一届全国政协会议中大量军人代表的存在,在一定程度上明确展示和充分表明了武装力量在新中国政权建设中的重要地位和积极作用。     

BEATING THE ODDS: MAYORAL LEADERSHIP AND THE ACQUISITION OF POWER

During a time of dwindling resources, Boston Mayor Kevin White acquired a significant amount of power. This was in contrast to the experiences of other mayors during the 1960s and 1970s and to the predictions for mayoral leadership in general. Examining the paradox of White's administration underscores the need for politically skillful executives. Effective political skills include the ability to perceive resource opportunities, to select the appropriate strategies and to choose the best arena in which to operate. While all mayors have access to resources, they do not always use them effectively. Resources must be conserved, protected, and pyramided. Focusing on White's role as a power accumulator, his use of federal money, and his shift from audience and media politics to constituent and organization politics, this article examines how a mayor expands his political capital in an environment of limited resources. The major themes that emerge are the importance of political skills and political organization to strong mayoral leadership.     

Radicalization as a reaction to failure: An economic model of Islamic extremism

This paper views Islamist radicals as self-interested political revolutionaries and builds on a general model of political extremism developed in a previous paper (Ferrero, 2002). Extremism is modelled as a production factor whose effect on expected revenue is initially positive and then turns negative, and whose level is optimally chosen by a revolutionary organization. The organization is bound by a free-access constraint and hence uses the degree of extremism as a means of indirectly controlling its level of membership with the aim of maximizing expected per capita income of its members, like a producer co-operative. The gist of the argument is that radicalization may be an optimal reaction to perceived failure (a widespread perception in the Muslim world) when political activists are, at the margin, relatively strongly averse to effort but not so averse to extremism. This configuration is at odds with secular, Western-style revolutionary politics but seems to capture well the essence of Islamic revolutionary politics, embedded as it is in a doctrinal framework.     

POLITICIANS AND ELECTORAL LAWS: AN ANTHROPOLOGY OF PARTY COMPETITION IN IRELAND

Abstract At one level this paper constitutes an electoral anthropology of party competition in Ireland. Focusing on one constituency, over three decades, the analysis reveals the complex and intertwined patterns of inter-party and intra-party competition that characterize Irish electoral politics and which, now institutionalized, contribute to the conservative cast of the country's politics. At a second level the argument points to the importance of the electoral system (here Proportional Representation by the single transferable vote) in structuring the behaviors of politicians who must work within it. In this regard an electoral system affects both the quality and quantity of competition, the character of party organization, and the capacity of a political system to recruit talent.     

Using organization theory to understand international organizations: Four models of multilateral decision making

This article addresses an enduring public management question: “Is organizational functioning a product of politics, management, or both?” It speaks to this issue by analyzing the decisional dynamics of the world's most inclusive, and prominent international organization: the United Nations. To assess the ability of international organizations to develop and implement international public policy, this study draws upon an extensive literature in organization theory to develop four models of multilateral decision making:

• •⊎ A Cognitive Ambiguity Model;
• •⊎ A Bounded Pragmatism Model;
• •⊎ An Organizational Expansion Model; and
• •⊎ A Political Interests Model.

In considering the obstacles to effective policy, this study asks whether policy is porduced by intellectual confusion, routine-based decision making, bureaucratic ego, or base political motives. This project closes by arguing for broad approaches to the politics/management continuum, and an integration of the four models. Only by weaving and practitioners distinct strands of organization theory, can scholars and practitioners fully appreciate the intellectual and political dynamics of publicly managed organizations, and thus, the aids and onstacles to their functioning.     

The Role of Political Ideology in the Structural Design of New Governance Agencies

This paper employs theories of structural politics and delegation to develop a set of propositions about the legislative delegation of authority to quasi-governmental entities, known as "quangos." Legislators have incentives to condition their choice of structure for an organization charged with implementing policy on their own political attitudes toward "good government." The quasi-independence of quangos provides credibility for legislators to commit to a process that takes policy making out of their hands while creating a structure that increases the likelihood of achieving their policy goals. Theoretical implications are empirically examined using data on the financial autonomy of Dutch public bodies. The results support the argument that it is important to consider politicians' ideologies directly in governance studies because they form the key component of structural politics.     

论民营企业主的政治参与

随着民营经济的发展 ,民营企业家群体作为一个重要的社会阶层迅速成长起来 ,其政治诉求和政治参与开始显现且呈扩大趋势。本文首先就我国民营企业主的政治诉求和政治参与情况进行了分析 ,其次讨论了民营企业家地位模糊和政治参与渠道不畅及产生的后果 ,最后提出了建立制度化的民营企业主政治参与机制路径问题。