在新的社会阶层中发展党员与社会民主党建党主张的根本区别

我们党提出在新的社会阶层中发展党员 ,是马克思主义建党学说在新的历史条件下的创造性运用和发展 ,同社会民主党的建党主张有着根本性的区别。从党的政治地位、党的纲领理论、党员队伍状况、党的组织原则和党的自身建设等方面分析 ,这种区别都是十分明显而毋庸置疑的。总之 ,吸收新社会阶层中的优秀分子入党 ,在是否坚持马克思主义这个最根本的原则分水岭上 ,我们同社会民主党的建党主张划清了界限。     

第一部党章与朱德入党

正1922年7月,中国共产党召开第二次全国代表大会,第一次明确提出了彻底反帝反封建的民主革命纲领。党的"二大"通过了党成立后的第一个党章,近4000字,包括党员、组织、会议、纪律、经费、附则等6章共29条。对党员条件和入党手续,对党的组织原则、组织机构、党的纪律和制度等,分别作了具体规定。朱德提出入党申请正当中共"二大"通过了反帝反封建的民     

浙江高校大学生入党动机教育初探

入党动机是青年大学生要求入党的思想内需和真实想法,是青年大学生入党积极分子要求入党的最基本出发点和最根本原动力。拟在文献整理和现状调研的基础上,结合浙江高校大学生的"红船精神"正塑效应的影响特色,为高校党建工作和理想信念教育,尤其是大学生入党动机教育、目标发展、后期管理等方面提供建设性依据。     

推进高校学习型党组织建设

学习型党组织与一般学习型组织的区别 一是组织性质与功能不同。中国共产党作为中国工人阶级、中国人民和中华民族的先锋队组织，是中国特色社会主义事业的领导核心。因此，学习型党组织具有鲜明的阶级属性和政治诉求。建设马克思主义学习型政党是学习型党组织建设的根本政治诉求，其实质在于以学习力促进党组织的结构变革与创新，     

中国共产党入党誓词的百年演进及其当代启示

中国共产党入党誓词是新党员在入党时对党和人民作出的庄严承诺,体现了我们党对党员的基本要求。《共产主义者同盟章程》关于盟员义务的条文为无产阶级政党制定入党誓词提供了基本遵循,也构成了无产阶级政党入党誓词的核心内容。中国共产党入党誓词最早出现于大革命时期,最后定型于改革开放新时期。这一期间党的奋斗目标、工作方式和所处的历史环境都发生了巨大变化,入党誓词经历了多次修改和变动,但“为民服务”“为共产主义奋斗”“永不叛党”等核心内容一以贯之,体现了“变”与“不变”的辩证法。入党誓词的百年演进启示我们:全心全意为人民服务是党必须始终坚持的根本宗旨;与时俱进是党必须始终坚持的理论品格;共产主义是共产党员必须始终坚守的崇高理想;对党忠诚是共产党员必须始终坚守的政治品质。     

瑞典社会民主党培育与开发价值性资源的启示

价值性资源是政党执政资源体系的灵魂。政党能否获取和巩固执政地位,与政党价值性资源有着非常紧密的关系。作为一个曾经长期执政的大党,瑞典社会民主党在培育和开发价值性资源方面曾取得过显著的成绩,也经历了一些挫折。瑞典社会民主党培育和开发价值性资源的经验教训对于中国共产党在改革发展的关键期进一步培育和开发执政资源提供了重要的启示。     

巩固和扩大党的执政基础

巩固和增强党的执政基础是加强和改进党的建设的必然要求。党的无产阶级基础是中国共产党区别并优于其他政党的根本所在,是中国共产党的安身立命之本。党不断扩大的群众基础使中国共产党获得了不竭的力量源泉,是中国共产党发展壮大的重要法宝。要科学认识党的阶级基础和群众基础的辩证统一,不断加强党的制度建设。     

加强党性锻炼 不断解决从思想上入党的问题

学习江泽民同志《在庆祝中国共产党成立70周年大会上的讲话》后,通过对渭南地区近年来加强党的建设的调查与思考,作为党的地方负责人,我深深地体会到:要把我们党建设成为一个具有高度觉悟、严明纪律和自我牺牲精神、真正代表和团结人民群众的党,必须从党的细胞抓起,加强广大共产党员的党性锻炼和修养,切实做到不仅在“组织上入党”,更要在“思想上入党”。     

“我的入党故事”征文启事

正2021年是中国共产党成立100周年。在即将迎来建党百年之际,本刊特开设"我的入党故事"专栏,通过党员自述文章征集的形式或本刊记者实地采访进行文字整理的方式,展示部分优秀党员入党时发生的感人故事,抒发他们对党的无限忠诚和挚爱之情,请他们生动讲述自己的入党初心和入党后长期坚守初心、为党的事业无私奉献的感人事迹,激励广大党员不忘初心、牢记使命,更好地为实现"两个一百年"奋斗目标、实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗,为中国共产党成立100周年献礼。     

“我的入党故事”征文启事

正2021年是中国共产党成立100周年。在即将迎来建党百年之际,本刊特开设"我的入党故事"专栏,通过党员自述文章征集的形式或本刊记者实地采访进行文字整理的方式,展示部分优秀党员入党时发生的感人故事,抒发他们对党的无限忠诚和挚爱之情,请他们生动讲述自己的入党初心和入党后长期坚守初心、为党的事业无私奉献的感人事迹,激励广大党员不忘初心、牢记使命,更好地为实现"两个一百年"奋斗目标、实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗,为中国共产党成立100周年献礼。     

执政党的党风关系党和人民事业的成败——学习十七届四中全会《决定》体会

改进和加强党的作风建设是党的十七届四中全会的重要内容。执政党的党风建设,关系党的形象,关系党和人民事业的成败。因此,党的作风建设是执政党建设的主要任务和突出问题。执政党的作风建设是党面临长期执政考验的需要,是应对国际环境挑战的需要,是深化改革、推进科学发展的需要,是解决党在作风上存在的问题的需要,从而使党永远不辜负人民的信任和期望。     

The Feminisation of the Conservative Parliamentary Party: Party Members' Attitudes

Under David Cameron's leadership reforms have been made to the Conservative party's parliamentary selection procedures and distinct women's policy initiatives have been developed. This article, based on focus group data with party members, explores attitudes towards measures designed to recruit more women Conservative MPs. Broadly, we find that, despite widespread support for the principle of greater social diversity among PPCs, members are uncomfortable with the specific measures that have been introduced. This is largely on the grounds that anything approaching 'positive discrimination' should be eschewed in favour of the 'meritocratic' selection of candidates. Further, the members tend to resent central party 'interference' in what has traditionally been the domain of local Constituency Associations.     

Inside the Cartel Party: Party Organisation in Government and Opposition

This article assesses the internal dynamics of the cartel party model. It argues that a party's endeavour to increase its societal reach by opening membership boundaries while keeping candidate selection local (two tendencies ascribed to this model), and the general need to maintain party unity, are difficult to reconcile. Therefore a fully fledged cartel party is organisationally vulnerable, which reinforces its resort to selective benefits (i.e. political appointments, patronage) whenever in government to satisfy organisational demands, a trigger intensifying party–state relations which is usually overlooked. Further, the dominant view of the ascendancy of parties' 'public face' needs to be qualified: the Irish Fianna Fáil, with its permeable boundaries and local candidate selection, reflects the cartel party model without a cartel at the party system level. Majoritarian dynamics have forced Fianna Fáil repeatedly into opposition which reveals the following: Fianna Fáil as a cartel party can afford to neglect its infrastructure on the ground as long as it is controlling government resources. In opposition its leadership initiates reforms to reinvigorate the party's infrastructure since it is pressed to generate organisational support through other means than distributing benefits.     

Party Platforms with Endogenous Party Membership

This paper proposes and analyzes a model of how the behaviorof voters and that of potential party activists togetherdetermine party membership and the ideological characteristicsof party platforms. Membership decisions are based onexpressive motivations, whereas platforms are chosenstrategically. Part of the ideological spectrum may remainoutside both parties because of alienation or indifference.     

Party Sub-Brands and American Party Factions

Scholars and pundits have long noted the dominance of the American two-party system, but we know relatively little about new, endogenous institutions that have emerged within the two major parties. I argue that ideological factions provide party sub-brands, which allow legislators to more precisely define their partisan type and capture faction-specific resources. To support this claim, I analyze new data on nine ideological factions in the House of Representatives (1995–2018). I find that (1) faction voting is distinct, suggesting a product ripe for party sub-branding, and (2) joining a faction changes the ideological composition of a candidate's donor base—conditional on the strength of the faction's institutions. Party sub-branding is effective only when factions possess organizational features that induce coordinated and disciplined position taking (e.g., whips, PACs, membership restrictions). These results suggest that, even within highly polarized parties, American political ideology is more than a dichotomous choice, and factions target niche markets of political donors as a means of blunting financial instruments of party power.     

党外知识分子政治参与的特殊性及其引导

党外知识分子是相对于加入中国共产党的知识分子而言的。党外知识分子的政治参与具有自主型、组织型的特征 ,且其政治参与的层次较高。党外知识分子的政治参与对政治生活具有一定的影响和示范作用 ,因此 ,应进一步健全制度 ,加强引导 ,不断提高党外知识分子政治参与的制度化和规范化水平。     

发展党内民主是构建党内和谐的重要途径

发展党内民主是党内和谐的前提和基础,也是构建党内和谐的重要途径。而发展党内民主,关键在于切实落实党员的民主权利。     

Thatcherism and the Conservative Party

Neither spatial models of party competition nor the 'Westminster' model of British politics explain the phenomenon of Thatcherism. One explanation of its success, examined by Crewe and Searing, suggests that Mrs Thatcher sought to convert the Conservative party and the wider electorate to her distinctive brand of liberal Whiggism and traditional Toryism. They found little evidence of the success of this, however, among the British electorate as a whole. In this paper, data from the first national survey of Conservative party members demonstrates that she had little success in converting the Conservative party to these ideas either, although she did have a secure ideological base within the party. The results also suggest that her successor, John Major, has a rather different support base within the party from that of Mrs Thatcher. The implications of these findings for spatial models of party competition and the Westminster model of British politics are discussed.