论香港特別行政区立法会的功能和改革方向

在自由主义和民主主义结盟反对封建主义的历史进程中,形成了一套关于国家建构的系统学说。香港并非国家,但这套学说却在香港社会关于特别行政区立法会功能角色的讨论中拥有不小的影响力。片面强调"两制"差异,以自由主义代议制学说描摹一个地方行政单位的立法机构,终将沿着这套学说的国家建构逻辑挑战"一国"之本。本世纪初以来,香港特别行政区立法会出现内部对立、扩权,职能上轻立法、重监督的趋势和现象,与这种学说在香港社会的影响不无关系。就解决历史遗留的香港问题而言,"一国两制"是各方都能接受的"最大公约数",讲求平衡政府原则、混合政体设计的共和精神较契合香港特别行政区的这一政治现实,或可成为引导特别行政区立法会变革的方向之一。     

香港炒风不息

什么都炒的风气,是香港独有的一种文化。快,是香港人的个性,也是香港文化一大特色,更是香港社会一股风气。走在香港大街上,你常常会感觉身后的人嫌你走得太慢。有人说,香港地上的蚂蚁,都似乎受了香港人感染,要比外来蚂蚁爬得快,总是匆匆忙忙在觅食。为了觅食,香港人就爱"炒",什么都炒。     

日本的香港研究综述

日本的香港研究历史悠久,近年来发展迅速。与中国内地、香港特区自身以及英美等西方国家的香港研究相比,日本的香港研究自有其特色。为便于学界对此有更多的了解,就研究主题与发表时序,逐一介绍近年日本对港研究的著作。由于日本香港研究触及香港社会的诸多议题,题材相对丰富,所以更适合就政治发展、社会经济、法律法规、文化艺术等视角逐一进行考察及综述。与此同时,也不可讳言,日本的香港研究存在种种不足,包括其对于内地与香港关系的偏见、研究取材的狭隘以及研究方法的滞后等等。从这个角度看,日本香港研究的成果值得国内学界关注,其局限也需要我们引以为戒。     

1988中国-东盟香港研讨会简述

6月22—24日,由香港岭南学院亚太研究中心组织举办的1988年中国—东盟香港研讨会在香港召开。会议主题为:“日本不断增加的国外资产:是否本地区经济增长的媒介?——日本、中国和东盟的三角关系”。参加会议的有来自日本、中国、东盟各国、南朝鲜、美国、台湾和香港的专家学者40多人。 香港立法局主任委员谭慧珠和日本驻香港总领事参加了开幕式和致开幕词。     

抗战期间中英香港问题的交涉

太平洋战争爆发后,中国加入世界反法西斯联盟,国际地位得到提升,国民政府借此机会试图解决香港问题。出于不与英国交恶的考量,国民政府并未要收回整个香港,仅在中英新约谈判中向英国提出收回新界。在两国交涉的过程中,国民政府虽然积极争取美国的支持,但英国直接拒绝将这一问题列入议题。而在新约签订后,国民政府虽没有放弃努力,但始终缺乏坚持到底收回新界的决心和手段,又受制于国际局势的压制,面对美国支持英国重占香港的局面,最终无可奈何,无计可施,放弃了收回香港的要求。抗战期间中英两国就香港问题交涉的全过程,体现出国民政府难以跳出民国外交“始争终让”的规律,说明其难以超越民国外交的半殖民性。     

香港，“止暴制乱”会有时！

背靠拥有14亿人口的正在建成全面小康社会、强大祖国,"修例风波"没有理由不停息。长治久安、繁荣稳定的香港,必将更好地呈现在世人面前!"你觉得香港‘止暴制乱’的目标能达到吗?香港未来会怎样?""香港的未来一定好!‘止暴制乱’一定能成功!"这是2020年新年来临之际,《新民周刊》记者在光山道马会采访张宇时的一段对话。张宇普通话中带有点上海味道,语态坚定,显露出信心。     

日本对香港直接投资的特征和前景

八十年代以来,日本海外直接投资的重点转向亚洲国家。特别是1985年日元升值后,日本更是加强了对“亚洲四小龙”和东盟国家的资本输出。其间对香港的直接投资呈跳跃式增长,尤为引人瞩目。日资大举进军香港的动因如何?在港投资的结构有何特征以及今后前景怎样?本文就此主题做一下研究。 一、日本在香港直接投资的进程     

香港“廉政风暴”的启示

香港传媒和公众质疑曾荫权操守,正是不容香港成功的要素遭侵蚀而令香港沉沦。香港刮起前所未有的"廉政风暴"。现任特首曾荫权身陷"富豪门"事件,引发市民百姓强烈质疑。这股风暴对内地或有警示意义。其实,按内地官场的行为准则,可以说曾荫权已经做得相当不错了。度假时接受富豪款待,     

中国与东南亚关系国际研讨会在香港召开我所陈乔之出席并宣读论文

题为“形成中的中国与东南亚关系:局限与展望”国际学术研讨会,于今年6月3日至5日在香港利园酒店召开。研讨会由香港岭南学院亚洲太平洋研究中心主办,得到美国洛克菲勒兄弟基金会、美国福特基金的赞助。日本国际交流计划中心、日本东西关系研究中心、新加坡东南亚研究所、香港京港学术交流中心也在经济和学术上予以支持协助。     

北伐期间日本的“满蒙观”与“九·一八”事变

北伐时期日本面对东北亦将被统一于中国中央政府之下的局势,出现了"满蒙放弃论"、"满蒙相对论"与"满蒙领有论"3种不同的政策主张。"满蒙放弃论"由于承认中国的民族主义觉醒、重视中国全局的经济利益而放弃了帝国主义,在近代日本对华政策史上留下了理智克己的一笔,但其力量有限未能成为主流。"满蒙相对论"虽也承认中国的民族主义觉醒并重视"经济扩张"手段,但却不能放弃帝国主义,最终沦为武力侵略者。"满蒙领有论"则奉行武力主义与强权主义,成为日本发动"九·一八"事变的直接策划者。     

美国并吞菲律宾过程中在香港之部署——以美国领事活动为中心

香港沦为殖民地后,美国在港活动愈趋频繁。时至美西战争前夕,美国驻香港总领事的委任及其活动为美国军事行动提供了重要支援;在港英当局奥援下,美国方面对菲律宾香港委员会开展舆论、情报及司法等斗争,并思考战后如何利用华人开发菲岛;为策应香港部署,广州、上海、新加坡与马尼拉等地美国领事与香港展开合作,加速并吞菲律宾。上述行动构成美国在东南亚扩张的重要环节,香港成为美国在远东扩张之战略要点,是菲岛以外不见硝烟的"战场"。     

Politicians and decolonization of Hong Kong

This article discusses the nature of political leadership in Hong Kong in general and the dilemmas facing politicians in the process of decolonization in particular. The politicians are certainly not performing “public service” as in a colonial administration. They are competing for political power and control in the government during the transition of Hong Kong from a British colony to a Chinese Special Administrative Region. Some politicians adopt a mobilization style of leadership to draw public support; some maintain an elitist style to preserve the status quo; some use a confrontational style to push for a democratic government and to resist Chinese intervention in the internal affairs of Hong Kong; some take a cooperative and compromising approach in resolving conflicts and dealing with China; and some attempt to adopt a moderate style by emphasizing rational and workable solutions to political dilemmas. The dilemmas of transition include: (1) the choice between democracy and conservatism; (2) the proper relationship between Hong Kong and China after 1997; (3) the conflict as to whom the politicians represent: the Hong Kong people or the Chinese leaders. The choice of any two polarized positions in the dilemmas will result in devastating consequences for Hong Kong. The task of the politicians is therefore to balance, rather than to accentuate, the divergent tensions between the antagonistic political forces. In the final analysis, the politicians will have to play the role of balancer between the future sovereign master and various political actors.     

“完善‘一国两制’制度体系,落实‘爱国者治港’根本原则”专题研讨会综述

全国港澳研究会于2021年2月在北京举办"完善‘一国两制’制度体系,落实‘爱国者治港’根本原则"专题研讨会。夏宝龙同志在讲话中表示,习近平总书记关于"爱国者治港"的重要论述,是对香港回归以来"一国两制"实践经验的高度提炼,是对"一国两制"实践规律的深刻揭示,为推动"一国两制"实践行稳致远、保持香港长治久安指明了方向。"爱国者治港"是"一国两制"方针的核心要义,是推进"一国两制"事业的时代呼唤,要坚持"爱国者治港"的客观标准和要求,对相关制度进行完善。与会专家学者表示,"爱国者治港"是在香港特别行政区维护国家主权、安全、发展利益的重要前提。香港现行选举制度还不能为全面落实"爱国者治港"原则提供坚实的制度保障,需要尽快加以完善,修补漏洞。     

Cross-Border Families in Hong Kong: The Role of Social Class and Politics

The massive relocation of industrial activities from Hong Kong to mainland China that followed in the wake of China's acceptance of foreign investment has given rise to two different sets of cross-border familial relations. In the first case, middle-class managers and technicians from Hong Kong have taken “second wives” during their stay in southern China. Hong Kong's mass media have been generally tolerant of this second-wife phenomenon, seeing it merely as a case of funglau (sexually potency), justifying it in terms of middle-class men's “soft spot,” and blaming the first wives for neglecting their duties. In the second case, workers from Hong Kong have crossed into the mainland in search of spouses because they believe that women in China are more affordable than those in Hong Kong. Hong Kong's restrictive immigration policies result in these mainland wives and children having to wait for ten years or more before receiving a one-way permit to migrate to Hong Kong. When they do arrive in Hong Kong, they have been discriminated against and condemned as causing Hong Kong's social and economic problems. This article examines how social class and politics have affected the way in which the mass media and the Hong Kong government have dealt with these two sets of cross-border families.     

Mass media and politics in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region

Before the transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong from Britain to the People's Republic of China, many people of Hong Kong and observers were pessimistic regarding freedom of the press in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). After July 1, 1997, however, press freedom in the HKSAR appears to persist and it seems as if the optimistic scenario of media autonomy has been neglected by many Hong Kong residents and observers. Nevertheless, media autonomy in the HKSAR is dependent on a number of factors. This article suggests that a contingency perspective can be adopted to comprehend the dynamics of media autonomy in the HKSAR.     

Conductive Activism: Anti-Sweatshop Campaigns across Hong Kong and Mainland China

This study looks at trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and the transformation of cross-border activism between Hong Kong and mainland China. Examining two cases, it demonstrates the mechanism and processes of trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and networks involving non-governmental agencies, student groups and workers. The study suggests that anti-sweatshop activism has been conductive and transferrable from Hong Kong to China in a way that has mobilised local civil society power, cultivated mainland activists and nurtured localised pro-labour activism. With Hong Kong activists acting as movement conveyers and mainland activists acting as adapters, anti-sweatshop activism has evolved. Once centred on marketplaces and consumers, it is now centred on production sites, and has moved domestic actors (including workers, students, scholars, media and consumers) from the margins to the centre. Anti-sweatshop activism has moulded itself to local contexts by rebuilding its strategies and tactics while coalescing with overseas networks to integrate strengths across the Hong Kong-Chinese border. Although the anti-sweatshop movement in China has its weaknesses, its evolution has the potential to gradually alter the power asymmetries between domestic and overseas activists.     

香港族裔经济中的印尼华侨与华人

20世纪七八十年代,有不下20万的印度尼西亚华侨自中国内地迁居香港;而近30多年来,印尼家务工人亦接踵而至,其在香港的人数现已超过13万人。这两群看似毫不相干的移民,在21世纪全球化以及区域移民的大语境下相遇,共同构建了香港经济活动中奇特的族裔景观,具体包括印尼食品店、服装店、手机店、家具店等等。基于文化背景、语言条件以及香港公民身份等因素,第一代印尼归侨以及千禧年前后开始定居香港的印尼华人或自己充当雇主,或在族裔经济中担任雇员,自然而然成为在港印尼族裔经济的先驱者与主要获利者。本文根据2013年到2016年初的田野调查和深度访谈,梳理在港印尼华侨华人的移民背景以及类别,探讨印尼华侨华人如何在印尼家务工人移民潮的推动之下,启动他们的族裔资源,使之成为具有商业用途的资本,从而促进了过去十多年来香港印尼族裔经济的蓬勃发展。     

The attentive spectators: Political participation of the Hong Kong Chinese

Based on a large-scale territory-wide questionnaire survey, this study purports to delineate the pattern of political participation of the Hong Kong Chinese. It is found that though the overall level of participation remains low, political activism has nonetheless increased since the early 1980s. Political participation in Hong Kong is primarily parochial and conventional in nature, yet there also exists a significant expressive and unconventional component. The mode of participation is fragmented and largely individualistic. Hong Kong Chinese are increasingly inclined to take collective actions, but participation mobilized by political groups is still limited. Hong Kong Chinese however pay much attention to politics. In view of the coexistence of high cognitive participation and low behavioral participation, Hong Kong Chinese can be appropriately described as “attentive spectators.” He is the author ofSociety and Politics in Hong Kong (1982) andHong Kong Politics in the Transitional Period (in Chinese, 1993)