社会变迁中的“暴动操作—暴动解除”刍议——读《新秩序下的混乱:从印尼暴动看华人的政治社会关系》有感

本文利用台湾杨聪荣博士的著作<新秩序下的混乱:从印尼暴动看华人的政治社会关系>, 分析有关暴动发生的过程,发现其中存在着统治精英和社会上的抗争力量从不同方面利用华人问题, 进行 暴动操作,以之为政治斗争的一种特殊手段;并相应地寻找理论与实践模式来做 暴动解除 的设计,根据一定的方案来加以防患,减少其祸害的程度.暴动操作-暴动解除可以当作一种客观存在的事物来加以调查研究;值此全球化区域协作、以人为本和人权主义的时代, 印度尼西亚华人可以利用境内外、国内外的社会网络, 对印度尼西亚国内少数极端主义分子的行动加以暴露, 挫败其暴动操作;特别是, 可以利用中国和东盟的交流合作体系等平台, 参与印度尼西亚的社会发展、国家建设.这一切既敏感又复杂的活动,如能达到理想效果,则是以非政治化、非意识型态化、非族群体化的原则, 用公共行政、公共管理的方式进行操作的一种公共事务.     

日本的香港研究综述

日本的香港研究历史悠久,近年来发展迅速。与中国内地、香港特区自身以及英美等西方国家的香港研究相比,日本的香港研究自有其特色。为便于学界对此有更多的了解,就研究主题与发表时序,逐一介绍近年日本对港研究的著作。由于日本香港研究触及香港社会的诸多议题,题材相对丰富,所以更适合就政治发展、社会经济、法律法规、文化艺术等视角逐一进行考察及综述。与此同时,也不可讳言,日本的香港研究存在种种不足,包括其对于内地与香港关系的偏见、研究取材的狭隘以及研究方法的滞后等等。从这个角度看,日本香港研究的成果值得国内学界关注,其局限也需要我们引以为戒。     

论香港特別行政区立法会的功能和改革方向

在自由主义和民主主义结盟反对封建主义的历史进程中,形成了一套关于国家建构的系统学说。香港并非国家,但这套学说却在香港社会关于特别行政区立法会功能角色的讨论中拥有不小的影响力。片面强调两制差异,以自由主义代议制学说描摹一个地方行政单位的立法机构,终将沿着这套学说的国家建构逻辑挑战一国之本。本世纪初以来,香港特别行政区立法会出现内部对立、扩权,职能上轻立法、重监督的趋势和现象,与这种学说在香港社会的影响不无关系。就解决历史遗留的香港问题而言,一国两制是各方都能接受的最大公约数,讲求平衡政府原则、混合政体设计的共和精神较契合香港特别行政区的这一政治现实,或可成为引导特别行政区立法会变革的方向之一。     

香港族裔经济中的印尼华侨与华人

20世纪七八十年代,有不下20万的印度尼西亚华侨自中国内地迁居香港;而近30多年来,印尼家务工人亦接踵而至,其在香港的人数现已超过13万人。这两群看似毫不相干的移民,在21世纪全球化以及区域移民的大语境下相遇,共同构建了香港经济活动中奇特的族裔景观,具体包括印尼食品店、服装店、手机店、家具店等等。基于文化背景、语言条件以及香港公民身份等因素,第一代印尼归侨以及千禧年前后开始定居香港的印尼华人或自己充当雇主,或在族裔经济中担任雇员,自然而然成为在港印尼族裔经济的先驱者与主要获利者。本文根据2013年到2016年初的田野调查和深度访谈,梳理在港印尼华侨华人的移民背景以及类别,探讨印尼华侨华人如何在印尼家务工人移民潮的推动之下,启动他们的族裔资源,使之成为具有商业用途的资本,从而促进了过去十多年来香港印尼族裔经济的蓬勃发展。     

美国并吞菲律宾过程中在香港之部署——以美国领事活动为中心

香港沦为殖民地后,美国在港活动愈趋频繁。时至美西战争前夕,美国驻香港总领事的委任及其活动为美国军事行动提供了重要支援;在港英当局奥援下,美国方面对菲律宾香港委员会开展舆论、情报及司法等斗争,并思考战后如何利用华人开发菲岛;为策应香港部署,广州、上海、新加坡与马尼拉等地美国领事与香港展开合作,加速并吞菲律宾。上述行动构成美国在东南亚扩张的重要环节,香港成为美国在远东扩张之战略要点,是菲岛以外不见硝烟的"战场"。     

建立内地与香港更紧密的金融合作关系探讨

最近 ,中央政府与香港特别行政区政府签署了《内地与香港关于建立更紧密经贸关系的安排》的协定。这对进一步加强内地和香港的经贸合作具有深远意义 ,对促进香港经济繁荣稳定、国际金融中心地位的巩固以及内地经济增长、金融国际化发展都有重要影响。本文就如何进一步加强两地金融的合作和衔接做了探讨。     

关于香港建设国际研发之都的思考与建议

香港要提高竞争力,成功实现经济转型,在粤港澳大湾区建设中发挥关键作用,提升在国家经济发展和改革开放中的地位和功能,必须加快建设国际研发之都。香港有条件成为国际研发之都,但要解决好资金、人才、合作等三大挑战。与此同时,中央支持、香港与内地加强合作也至关重要。     

Hong Kong's Elite Structure,Legislature and the Bleak Future of Democracy under Chinese Sovereignty

A decade after retrocession to China, Hong Kong still has limited democracy. Only half of the legislature is directly elected by the people, and the Chief Executive – the leader of Hong Kong government – is chosen by an election committee of 800 people, most of them loyal to Beijing. In December 2007, the Chinese Central Government announced that the direct election of the Chief Executive and the whole legislature may be implemented from 2017 and 2020, respectively. Still, in this paper it is suggested that real democracy in the foreseeable future is unlikely. This paper demonstrates the existence of a “power elite” of tightly knit business-state networks in Hong Kong society and argues that this constitutes a systemic barrier against further democratic development. Central to the discussion is an analysis of the formation and composition of the legislature and the relations to the elite-interlocks among influential organisations in society. Mainly based on 2006‐07 data, the Elite Database which is subject to network analyses is composed of 1531 individuals holding 1854 seats from 40 listed corporations, 27 government committees, 20 non-governmental organisations, and eight universities.     

Citizenship,economy and social exclusion of mainland Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong

Hong Kong is often viewed as a Chinese immigrants' city. This article discusses three interrelated dimensions of the social exclusion of migrants designated as “new” Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong. First, it is argued that globalisation has triggered intense economic rivalry among world cities as they undertake economic restructuring. Second, the political attempts of territorial states to establish their own legitimacy and strengthen their governing capacity are major catalysts that induce the social exclusion of immigrants. Third, the nature and strength of local place-based social identity is vital to determine the difficulties new immigrants face in being included in the host society. After recounting the history of Chinese immigrants and their recent profile in Hong Kong, the article examines the relationships between Hong Kong's economic development and the state's immigration policies, and how Hong Kong's state policies have constructed a form of Hong Kong identity vis-à-vis Mainland Chinese, drawing out the mechanisms that determine the social exclusion of Mainland immigrants since the 1990s.

“We asked for workers but human beings came.” Max Frisch(quoted in Hollifield,2000:149)     

Economic integration and the circulation of Hong Kong dollars in Southern China

As the economies of Hong Kong and southern China have in recent years become more closely integrated, the phenomenon of currency substitution has gained in importance. This article provides both theoretical and empirical analyses of the circulation of Hong Kong dollars in Mainland China. The observed phenomenon of currency substitution is first explained from both macro- and microeconomic perspectives. The empirical study then estimates the quantity of Hong Kong dollars circulating in southern China over the last fifteen years. Regression analysis indicates that the growth rate of Hong Kong's foreign direct investment in China, as well as the growth rate of trade between Hong Kong and China, and the difference in real returns between Hong Kong dollar denominated assets and Chinese renminbi denominated assets are some of the main determinants that have contributed to the widespread circulation of Hong Kong dollars in southern China     

Headlong into the Polanyian Dilemma: The Impact of Middle-Class Moral Panic on the British Government's Response to the Sub-prime Crisis

This article focuses on the discursive construction in Britain of a middle-class moral panic occasioned by the distress caused to self-styled 'responsible mortgage borrowers' by falling house prices. In the context of the move towards asset-based welfare the sub-prime crisis manifested itself most obviously in the popular consciousness as a threat to housing market wealth. The Labour government used the political space opened up by the narrative of middle-class moral panic in order to protect banks' balance sheets from the consequences of their own failed investments in mortgage-backed securities. The ensuing arrangements immunised banks from the implications of market self-regulation in the first-phase response to the sub-prime crisis while simultaneously allowing them to continue to impose the experience of market self-regulation on their customers. An increasingly asymmetric approach to banking regulation has arisen analogous to that which Karl Polanyi associated with the contradictory co-existence of market and non-market forms.