试论缅甸佛教青年协会

通过对缅甸佛教青年协会产生的背景、诞生及其活动的论述和分析,本文认为:缅甸佛教青年协会在缅甸近代历史上具有特殊的历史意义,即它是缅甸历史上第一个具有近代民族主义性质的组织;它对缅甸人民民族主义意识的普遍形成起了重要作用;通过它缅甸人了解和认识了缅甸以外的世界,使缅甸近代民族主义运动在发展之初就与世界的近代民族主义运动,尤其是与亚洲的近代民族主义运动产生了密切的联系.另外,佛教青年协会的性质及其活动使得缅甸近代民族主义运动从诞生的那一刻起就打上了宗教的深深印痕,该会的领导策略和方法也为以后的缅甸近代民族主义运动提供了有益的借鉴.     

菲美特殊关系与马卡帕加尔民族主义外交

进入20世纪60年代以后,菲律宾国内外政治环境的变化开始冲击牢固的菲美特殊关系基石。1962年马卡帕加尔总统上台后,发起了以"亚洲办法解决亚洲问题"的民族主义外交改革运动,企图借助沙巴领土争端和马菲印多提升菲律宾的独立形象和国际地位。但是,此时的菲律宾民族主义政治力量仍然难以撼动根深蒂固的菲美特殊关系。当印马对抗加剧、美国态度转为强硬后,马卡帕加尔政府又急于重回特殊关系的轨道。马卡帕加尔的民族主义外交运动是菲律宾外交"去特殊化"的第一次尝试,对后来的菲美关系产生了深远的影响。     

论日本近代民族主义的思想起源——读会泽安《新论》

近代民族主义的形成有其历史的原因.在吸收相关理论的基础上,从亚洲的历史事实出发去研究亚洲近代民族主义的起源与形成,是一个重要的课题.会泽安在《新论》中对世界形势的分析主要来自他对西洋列强的军事威胁的认识.对海防问题的思考与以"祭政一致"为主要特点的"国体"论构成了《新论》的核心内容.《新论》作为一份思想文本,对明治维新以及近代日本国家的走向产生了影响,为日本近代民族主义的形成提供了理论基础.重读《新论》有助于我们历史地考察日本近代民族主义的思想起源.     

颠覆型民主化:菲律宾民主转型的力学博弈及依靠力量

通过"二月政变"率先实现颠覆型民主化,是菲律宾政治和社会长期发展的产物.在转型的博弈过程中,菲律宾未能形成体制内改革派集团,体制和反体制势力间的势力平衡急速地倾向于后者,在野党缺乏动员大众并使政府让步的能力.军队的反叛和教会的介入是民主转型最重要的依靠力量,这使得菲律宾颠覆型民主化的实现成为可能.     

菲律宾天主教会同马科斯政权的关系

马科斯执政时期 ,由于天主教内部的变革以及菲律宾国内的特殊情况 ,菲律宾天主教会积极参与政治活动 ,同马科斯政权的关系经历了从合作到对抗的转变。菲律宾天主教会在推翻马科斯独裁统治的运动中发挥了无以替代的重要作用。     

“狭隘的”民族主义的回归:当今法国极右翼政党国民阵线的崛起

法国大革命通常被视为近代民族主义的"原生形态",大革命及其之后法国社会所经历的民族主义可以被归结为两种:"开放的"和"狭隘的",这两股民族主义的思潮和运动在大革命后的法国并非各自独立而是存在着过渡、汇合甚至是妥协。今日法国深陷社会、经济危机和欧债危机,在面对欧洲一体化、全球化、外来移民等问题时,民族主义思想在法国大行其道,其中极右翼政党国民阵线的逐步崛起极具代表性,它意味着"狭隘的"民粹主义-民族主义在法国的回归。     

作为反体制运动的韩国民族主义

本文试图站在历史的角度厘清现代韩国民族主义反体制的性质。历史上，韩国的民族主义是以抵抗国家反体制运动的身份确立自己的地位的。开港以后，当时的统治阶层们试图建立近代国家。这种尝试失败后，国家的权力被日本抢走。作为日益走向衰亡的国家的替代品，一部分知识分子鼓吹由精神构成的国家、国粹，而作为维持它的主体，则提出了民族或者同胞的概念。因此，民族成了建立国家的主体，并在殖民地时代以独立运动、在解放后的分裂局面下以统一运动的形态确立了自己的地位。     

美国的新殖民主义与菲律宾民族主义的回应:1898—1935

美国在菲律宾推行的新殖民主义,促使菲律宾民族主义表现出抗衡、合作或拒绝的回应.二者的互动在殖民地时期的菲律宾产生了一系列后果.文章就此提出了独特的看法.     

菲律宾军队的改革与现状

在菲律宾的政治生活中,军队一直扮演着重要的角色。80年代中期,军队中的反马科斯势力秘密组织了“军队改革运动”,并在1986年“二月革命”推翻马科斯政权中发挥了关键作用。科·阿基诺上台后,将菲律宾武装部队改名为“新菲律宾武装部队”,对马科斯的旧军事机器进行了一系列的改组,经过两年半的努力,取得了一些成效,但也暴露出不少难以解决的问题。     

菲律宾的法律制度

菲律宾的法律制度,从法系上看是罗马法系与英美法系的混合体,融合了罗马法系与英美法系的一些特点和内容。从1565年西班牙征服菲律宾到1898年美西战争结束,西班牙统治菲律宾长达三个多世纪。在此期间,西班牙殖民统治者在菲律宾强制推行西班牙(西班牙属于罗马法系),即使现在从菲律宾的成文法中也能看到西班牙法的影子。     

American neo-colonialism in the Philippines

Abstract

This is one of those rare books that are small in size but heavy in substance and should be read and studied widely. It presents a well-documented indictment of American neocolonialist imperialism in the Philippines since its independence in 1946. Several earlier works have described in detail the classical form of American imperialism in the Philippines through military conquest and direct colonial rule and have helped suggest a close parallel between the conduct of the Philippine-American war and the American-Vietnamese war. However, America's continuing, pervasive domination of Philippine national life since 1946 has not been well appreciated except by a few perceptive and persistent observers of the Philippine scene. The neocolonial status of the Philippines in relation to the United States has generally remained concealed behind the facade of Philippine “independence” and “sovereignty.” Filipino presidents and other members of the Philippine establishment have helped hide the truth by proclaiming pro-Americanism as the cornerstone of their policy. President Manuel Roxas in 1946 not only vindicated American rule over the Philippines by expressing gratitude for Dewey's victory over the Spanish forces in 1898, but also affirmed close alignment with the United States in foreign affairs. This has meant that not only did the Philippines refuse to affirm Afro-Asian solidarity but, worse, it often took a simulated “initiative” in putting forth proposals designed to subserve American cold war interests. One example was the proposed Pacific Pact of 1950, calculated to stem Chinese communist “expansion.” Close alignment with the United States discredited the Philippines as odd-man-out in Asia. In the Philippines itself, the perpetuation of American dominance had tragic effects for the Filipino people and the Philippine nation-state. Foreign observers, especially from non-aligned countries, were puzzled and angered by the pro-Americanism of Philippine foreign policy. Filipinos themselves vented their frustration and fury in an intellectual, nationalist outburst against the lingering “colonial mentality.”     

The 2014 Fiji Elections and the Methodist Church

Abstract

The Methodist Church of Fiji has around one-third of Fiji’s population as members, and is a strong influence on all aspects of Fiji’s life, including its politics. Since 2006 the relationship between the Methodist Church of Fiji and the Bainimarama regime has been variously tense, acrimonious and downright hostile, with Church conferences cancelled by the government in 2009–2011 after the Methodist Church was accused of ‘playing politics’. A further attempt to minimise the influence of the Methodist Church has included government encouragement of the New Methodists (Souls to Jesus) movement in 2008–9. However, these government actions have been premised on the assumption that the Methodist Church is monolithic in its support for conservative Fijian chiefly values, often privileging these over more universalist values espoused by other Christian denominations. While this may have been generally true of the years 1989–2012, it has not always been the case. This paper suggests that more recently the dynamics within the Methodist Church have changed, a shift that is only partly influenced by Bainimarama’s actions.     

TRANSGRESSING "VICTIMS" Reading Narratives of "Filipina Brides" in Japan

This article traces the discourse on Filipina hanayome (brides) in administratively mediated international marriages (kokusai kekkon) in Japan from the mid 1980s to the present. In narratives of “international marriages” in the late 1980s, “Filipina” came to index the “problem of brides from Asia.” As seen elsewhere, various textual and media representations have depicted rural Filipino women as socioeconomic victims and sexually subjugated women. Simultaneously, however, constructions of Filipina hanayome in rural Japan have been given local twists. Drawing on examples from largely neglected written texts in Japanese and from an ethnographic vignette, the article next focuses on sexual subjectivity and economic autonomy, two dimensions of the women's lives in which they struggle to recapture their own ways of imputing meanings to their lives vis-à-vis various social forces. In so doing, this article interrogates certain feminist and popular depictions of hanayome.     

Developing African technical management in Southern Africa's mining industry

Although the causes of insurgency in Africa are largely domestic, it has important implications for international politics. Most insurgent movements, and not only liberation insurgencies directed against white minority rule, have been able to gain at least tacit support from neighbouring states. The nature of the relationship between the movement and the state from whose territory it operates, along with the organisational strength of the movement itself, are the most important determinants of its external relations. The key external resources which insurgents require are arms, food, money, publicity, and diplomatic recognition. These may be obtained in a variety of ways, but relationships with non‐governmental organisations are often particularly significant.     

Medical Practice in Early Colonial Spanish America: A Prospectus

This paper outlines the current state of research on medical practice in early colonial Spanish America. It argues that medical practice in Spain was more diverse than generally supposed, and that this complicated the exchange that occurred between Native American, African and European medical traditions in the Americas. Control of medical practice in Spanish America was exercised not through the establishment of state institutions, but through the close working of the state and the Church that on the one hand promoted medical care as a charitable activity and on the other sought to suppress practices that were incompatible with Catholic beliefs. However, due to the shortage of trained medical practitioners, the authorities were relatively tolerant of alternative medical practices and this enabled a process of exchange and fusion. The paper illustrates these processes with respect to medical practice in Cartagena de Indias in the early seventeenth century. It concludes with suggestions of avenues for future research.     

Women's Citizenship and Neopopulism: Peru Under the Fujimori Regime

This article argues that the increased participation of women in Peruvian politics in the 1990s and the advances made in some areas of their citizenship rights are connected to the strategies put in place by some sectors of the women's movement and to the openings provided by the Fujimori regime. Some of the impact of neopopulist rule on political institutions is shown to be positively related to women's increased opportunities during this period; yet the weak rule of law and the political use of the women's agenda by an increasingly questionable regime placed the women's movement in a complex political panorama. A disaggregated analysis of the politics of women's citizenship reveals that women from the popular sectors did not benefit from the same progress in their rights claims as women from the feminist movement or women in party politics.     

CHURCH AND STATE IN KENYA, 1986-1992: THE CHURCHES' INVOLVEMENT IN THE 'GAME OF CHANGE'1

This article examines the stages by which the Church in Kenyaoffered a primary challenge to the closed political system ofDaniel Arap Moi's regime, yet without establishing a politicalparty. More specifically, this article reviews the role of meChurch between 1986–1992 in generating and sustaininga public discourse on democracy and change in Kenya as wellas its organizational grass-root political activities priorto the holding of the first multi-party elections in 1992. Finally,it is argued that the debate between officialdom and the Church—mainlyits leading clergy—over the very definition of politics,not only sustained the national discourse on democracy but alsospawned demands for the democratization of Church structuresthemselves. This study is neither chronological nor purely narrative. Ratherit is structured around three central foci: first the Churches'critique of the structure of power in Kenya—a structurewhose core was the one-party system; second their involvementin local or sproadic controversies and upheavals; and thirdtheir active political involvement and information-disseminationcampaign prior to the 1992 elections.     

EXILE POLITICS AND RESISTANCE TO DICTATORSHIP: THE UGANDAN ANTI-AMIN ORGANIZATIONS IN ZAMBIA, 1972-79

The contemporary debate on democracy and change in Africa appearsto have largely concentrated on the current and future roleof the political parties and the relative merits and demeritsof multi-partly politics vis-a-vis single party rule duringthe 1980s and 1990s. In the case of Uganda, not enough attentionhas been paid to the historical background to the present. Inparticular, a major lacuna has been the role played by organizationsoutside the country for most of the 1970s in the struggle toremove the Idi Amin regime (1971–79) from power. Thispaper seeks to make a contribution towards filling this gapand thus add to our knowledge of the post colonial history ofUganda. It considers critically the part played by such organizationsin the anti-Amin resistance movement which culminated in theformation of the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) inMarch 1979 and the establishment of the first post Amin governmentin Uganda a month later. While recognizing the proliferationof similar exile bodies elsewhere, this paper concentrates onZambia-based groups, the Uganda Liberation Group (Z) and theUganda National Movement.     

Le probléme des origines des Assemblées d'États: Réflexions méthodologiques à la lumière de l'histoire sud‐est européenne de l'institution

Summary

This paper examines the relations between republican and democratic forces in Restoration Spain. From the middle of the last century, republicanism was the political movement most clearly involved with the democratization of Spanish politics. After the collapse of the 1873 Republic, the republican movement went through a severe crisis which led to its fragmentation over issues both of principle (federalists against unitarists) and of practice (revolutionaries against reformists). Between 1873 and 1931 Spanish republicanism underwent a marked transformation. The old republicanism was characterized by the modes of political activity of the nineteenth century — the club, the committee, the masonic lodge. The new republicanism, on the other hand, emerged from the first decade of the present century clearly moving in the direction of the modern political parties which finally crystallized out in 1931. Together the Radical and the Reformist parties are a case‐study in the transition between the classical and the modern which perfectly exemplifies the hybrid nature of republican democracy.

Though Spanish republicanism was socially heterogeneous, embracing within its various parts elements of the upper and middle bourgeoisie, substantial sections of the petty, urban bourgeoisie, and a declining, but still numerous, section of the working class, it still needed an alliance with the socialists (the Conjunción of 1910). However, what was most notable about Spanish republicanism was its link with the intelligentsia; it was they who gave it its character and who made the greatest effort to integrate Spain into the most modern currents of European thought.