越南向毒品走私开战

越南向毒品走私开战周在群早在８０年代初，越南北部山区就曾有组织地种植罂粟和生产鸦片。那时的官营鸦片生产由当局操纵，政府有关部门进行动员，具体指导和收购。由于贩卖鸦片不失为一条财路，当时的越南边民还被怂恿越境向邻国走私贩运。越南北部的河宣省同文县是较早...     

革新后越南越中边境民族政策及其对中国的影响

越南革新开放以后,越南党和政府坚持以经济建设为中心,对其民族政策尤其是北部边境地区的民族政策大力进行调整,从政治、经济、文化、教育等各方面制定了一系列特殊优惠的边境民族政策,并取得了较为明显的成效。同时,由于历史和现实等多方面原因,中越边境地区有9个少数民族跨境而居,再加上中国一方边境地区客观上存在着的许多现实问题,使得越南所推行的特殊优惠的边境民族政策对中国一方的边境民族地区产生了许多负面影响,不利于我国西南边境民族地区和谐的社会主义新农村的建设和发展。     

毒枭的历史

前些日子,看电视剧《毒枭墨西哥》,发现这个剧里的人物,基本上都有原型,于是就找来一本《毒品史:美国和墨西哥的百年恩怨》,当作电视剧背景知识了解一下。在20世纪最开始的几年,鸦片、大麻、可卡因在美国是合法的,制药公司会把鸦片衍生物当作药品,甚至是家庭常备药。1903年的时候,可口可乐还使用古柯叶做原料。可卡因就来自古柯液的提纯。所以,罂粟、古柯、大麻这几样的种植都属于农业生产。     

杜兰德线:侵略阿富汗的泥潭——从十九世纪英国人建立“科学边界”说起

1815年拿破仑战败后,为防止俄国人破坏英王王冠上那颗最亮的宝石,英国人拟在印度西北边境建立“科学边界”,即将印度传统西北边界从下印度河抬高至上印度河,利用兴都库什山的地理优势保护印度.起初,英国人展开征服,试图直接推进,结果遭到被称为“大马蜂”的普什图等部落人的顽强抵抗.第二次大规模侵阿失败后,英国人改变政策,决定利用阿富汗缺乏统一的特点,结盟喀布尔拉赫曼政府,智取“马蜂窝”.在帮助拉赫曼划定其他阿富汗边界后,英国人想方设法迫使拉赫曼接受杜兰德线,由此,被称为“马蜂窝”的地方被英国人悄悄地划在印度地图上.此后,英国人又采取措施固定该线为阿印国际边界,但是阿富汗山民一直不接受.这种理论与现实的错位,使得这条“科学边界”千疮百孔.如今,它不但滋生阿巴之间不断的矛盾,而且成为发动阿富汗战争的苏美的泥潭.     

缅甸禁毒近况

缅甸现在正面临着控制毒品滥用,避免毒品在缅甸泛滥的紧迫任务。为此,缅甸政府制定了收入替代计划,包括进行作物替代和牲畜饲养,以改变缅甸农民种植罂粟、大麻等不良习惯。此外,还采取有效的法律措施对毒品吸食者进行戒断和治疗,力求减少毒品的吸食,并为提供良好的社会环境创造条件。     

九一八事变后中国东北地区鸦片泛滥原因

日本侵华预谋已久,侵略东北和建立傀儡政权是其后发动一系列侵略战争的起点.同时又将东北地区作为日本进行大规模殖民、奴化政策的实验场.在鸦片政策方面,出于对占领地统治的财政需要,不惜动用政治、经济、军事、外交等政策手段扩大鸦片和毒品销售,直接和间接导致了东北的鸦片泛滥和毒害的长期化.通过战争混乱期扩大鸦片消费、将责任推诿于当地伪政权、以此制造事实鸦片专卖制的口实,是日本从马关条约后侵占台湾开始,直到七七事变后全面侵华、太平洋战争开始后全面侵略东南亚过程中惯用的手段.文章立足大量相关日本资料,对九一八事变后东北鸦片泛滥原因进行深入探讨,以更为清晰地揭示日本侵略政策中毒品政策的作用.     

毒品贸易与上海合作组织:前景与矛盾

从上合组织所在中亚地区的有组织毒品贸易的视角看,全球化和非传统安全问题如何日益成为影响上合组织的重要因素。通过对上合组织成员国在反毒品贸易政策上的差异及其形成原因的分析,认为反毒品问题是中亚地区第四股恶势力,应成为上合组织发展的优先方向,反之可能对其构成不良后果。为此,上合组织应采取加强边境安全与海关检查、澄清上合组织以及其他与其优先方向类似的地区多边机构关系等措施。     

欧盟跨境合作政策述评

边境地区是欧盟特殊而重要的区域。为了减少“边境效应”,鼓励边境地区的共同发展和融合,欧盟采取了一系列措施来促进跨境合作。在欧盟的援助下,边境地区开展了形式多样、富有成效的合作。跨境合作促进了欧盟社会经济聚合和欧洲一体化的发展,对东扩的成功有着十分重要的意义。     

法刊谈苏联中亚细亚的经济发展状况

苏联中亚细亚由吉尔吉斯、乌兹别克、塔吉克、土库曼这四个联邦共和国组成,它是苏联二十个经济区域中一个,拥有面积1.3百万平方公里。它具有穆斯林的风俗,好象是一个处于战争状态中的阿富汗和深受以色列革命风暴折磨的伊朗两国边境的和平小港,中亚细亚的苏联共和国经济在地区发展方面作为苏联的政治橱窗而呈现。     

新形势下的巴基斯坦和与时俱进的中巴关系

美国在阿富汗的反恐战争对巴基斯坦安全形势产生巨大负面影响。巴议会大选后,新政府可能调整反恐策略,妥善处理与美国和阿富汗关系。中国和巴基斯坦共同培育的友好关系已成为国家间关系的典范。李克强总理访巴,则开创了中巴合作的战略新格局,开启了中巴双边关系新阶段。     

AFGHAN REFUGEES: THE IMPACT ON PAKISTAN

One of the most important arenas that have been profoundly affected by the security situation in Afghanistan is Pakistan's internal security environment. The instability in Afghanistan has had a negative spill-over effect on Pakistan's domestic security scenario, as the Afghan quagmire poses immense implications on Pakistan's domestic framework. One of the important consequences of the Afghan conflict since the 1970s has been the massive inflow of the Afghan refugee population to the neighbouring Pakistan which in following years has brought about a number of demographic and security challenges to the Pakistani society. Therefore along with a number of factors, at this present juncture, Afghan refugees have also become a principal factor in determining Pakistan's Afghanistan policy.     

从“最低限度介入”到“有条件积极介入”:论中国对阿富汗政策的调整

阿富汗素有"帝国坟墓"之称,不少学者认为中国应尽量避免过多卷入阿富汗问题,尤其是安全事务方面。然而,中国现阶段采取的"最低限度介入"也不能帮助解决阿富汗问题,有必要调整为"有条件积极介入",即:以不单边军事介入、不干涉阿富汗内政和尊重阿富汗人的意愿为原则。在地区安全方面,中国应积极构建中美俄印巴大国安全合作机制,发动五国力量共同提供区域公共安全产品;在外交方面,中国应坚持以双边调解和多边斡旋为主,借中巴、中伊(朗)良好的双边关系以及中国在阿富汗问题上独特地位多方协调,形成稳定有效的双边谈判机制和多边协调机制,并将阿富汗纳入上合组织;在经济方面,中国应依托"一带一路"倡议、中巴经济走廊等机制加大对阿经济援助促进阿富汗经济可持续发展,切实提升阿富汗人民的生活水平;在社会与文化方面,中国可为阿富汗提供可供借鉴的社会管理模式和改革经验,致力于促进中阿两国的文化交流和民心相通,使两国的友谊深入民间;同时,始终保证积极介入的底线所在,以便践行周边外交优先理念,展示负责任大国形象,防范"金德尔伯格陷阱"。     

THE CIA'S SECRET POWERS

The secret powers conferred by the National Security Act of 1947 have been used over the years to train, arms, and develop the terrorist enemies, such as al-Qaida, that are now the chief justification for those powers in the public mind. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, CIA programs have shifted power from moderate to Islamist Muslim groups, contributed to vastly increased heroin production in the area, and helped consolidate the ISI as Pakistan's drug-financed intelligence agency a “state within a state” that has promoted both al-Qaida and terrorism in other areas such as Kashmir. The secret powers, by preventing rational discussion, have spawned disastrous policy decisions that even the CIA itself has opposed, notably the decision to supply Stingers to the Afghan rebels. The most conspicuous deep political consequence of these policies in Pakistan and Afghanistan has been the indirect training and arming of cadres who eventually participated in the specific events of 9/11: the culmination of a series of terrorist attacks against the territorial United States for which the CIA itself had already, in 1998, secretly admitted partial responsibility. This responsibility is reflected in the present inability of the U.S. government and media to report honestly on what actually happened in the 9/11 attacks.     

Ideas and ideals of modern Islam

With Partition and the rise of various different nationalisms there came the need to find a new name for what used to be called “British India”. A framework for co-operation between the new countries was also needed. Initially regionalism was fashionable. But the regional organisation, SAARC, embodied cooperation between all the nation-states of the region, a veritable lowest common denominator rather than an additional layer of an inclusive regional identity for all the citizenry. The increasing use of “Southasia” is based on a recognition that even though India looms large, the region contains other countries with sizeable populations in a global context. But flesh must be put on the bones of the concept. The key is sub-regional commercial cooperation between viable units. There are many opportunities for cross-border economic activity, but what is needed is a porous border like the India/Nepal border, not a militarised border like the India /Pakistan border. Connectivity and bilateral free trade agreements will bring results and the Indian state of Punjab and the Pakistani province of Punjab are perhaps best placed to give an example of cooperation.     

THE DURAND LINE: HISTORY AND PROBLEMS OF THE AFGHAN-PAKISTAN BORDER

A historical survey which covers firstly, the various attempts to establish a satisfactory boundary between the settled lands of India and the mountain areas to the North; secondly, the negotiations from which the Durand line emerged as the boundary between Afghanistan and Pakistan; thirdly, the status of the Tribal areas in Pakistan and the border areas more generally, and why so many of the obstacles to change seem to be the very elements which only change can resolve.     

A short journey through North‐Western Kansu and the Tibetan border country

Kashmir, at present, is not being treated as a priority by politicians or policy makers. The author argues that this is a grave mistake. The ground realities which have continued to blight the lives of millions in the region for decades have not been resolved. Not only do they demand resolution, but leave the region fragile and unstable, a danger exacerbated by the nuclear capabilities of India and Pakistan. The domestic narratives within India and Pakistan which lead to heightened hostility have been exacerbated by recent events such as the Mumbai Hotel attacks and cross-border skirmishes. A resolution of Kashmir would reverse these inherent tensions. The unresolved situation also undermines the human rights of the inhabitants of Kashmir. Likewise, it leads to an unconscionable waste of the natural resources of the region, as well as needless restrictions in Indo-Pakistani trade and money being tied up in military conflict. A resolution of the conflict would also have wide-scale benefits in the region, reaching to Afghanistan and China. In conclusion, the author surveys what might be practical ways of resolving the Kashmir problem.     

Reviews

The article considers the failed attempts by Amir Amanullah and Mohammed Daud to promote reform in Afghanistan, before sketching the early origins of the Taliban in the madrassahs of Pakistan, the realities of Pushtun identity and the process of radicalisation of the Taliban administration after 9/11. The nature of their current support base is evaluated in the context of the methods used by the Coalition forces and the performance of the Afghan Government. The conclusion is that the best hope of a solution lies in some sort of negotiated settlement, but the social space for any deal is very restricted, given the conservatism of the vast majority of Afghans. This is an expanded version of a presentation he gave to members of the Society on 14 January 2008.     

Changing trends in West Africa’s drug policy terrain: a theoretical perspective

This article examines the challenges of narcotic drugs in West Africa following the region's emergence as a major transit zone for the trafficking of cocaine and other illicit drugs to many countries in Europe. In addition to the trafficking problem, the use of narcotic drugs has been on the increase in the region. In effect, the drug policy terrain in West Africa appears to be undergoing changing trends. To understand these changes, the article draws on the policy paradigm (orders of change) theory to examine the types of change that are occurring. The analysis reveals that the drug policy terrain is undergoing first and second order changes.     

泰国的禁毒运动

制毒、贩毒和吸毒是当今世界最大的公害之一。它跟艾滋病、恐怖主义一样,是人类的大敌。目前全世界毒品的种植、生产和消费仍呈蔓延和发展的趋势,毒品问题已成为全球性的问题,几乎没有一个国家能幸免于难。地处世界著名毒源“金三角”的泰国,更是在劫难逃,长期受到毒品的危害和困扰,可以说,毒品已成为泰国国家安全与稳定的主要威胁之一。他信政府自2001年2月上台执政以来,把禁毒作为与脱贫、治贪并列的三大施政目标之一。他信认为,毒品是泰国当前的大敌,防毒反毒是政府的当务之急,提出了向“毒品宣战”的口号。近三年,由于措施得力,行动果断,所以扫毒工作战果累累。泰国政府禁毒的成功将不仅造福于全体泰国人民,也将为整个亚洲乃至全世界的禁毒斗争做出历史性贡献。     

Coyotaje and Drugs: Two Different Businesses

This article, based on a qualitative methodology that includes in‐depth interviews with 85 migrant‐smugglers who operate at the border between Mexico and the United States, addresses three research questions: do migrant‐smugglers take part in organised crime? Are criminal groups involved in migrant smuggling? And are migrant‐smugglers engaged in drug trafficking? It concludes that many smugglers have become part of organised crime groups but only after leaving the migrant‐smuggling business; that criminal organisations do not help migrants to cross the border; and that migrant‐smugglers do not carry drugs.