印尼非法捕鱼问题的安全化透视

长期以来,外国渔船在印尼海域非法捕鱼一直是困扰印尼的重大问题。2014年上台的佐科政府采取强硬政策加以应对,且在非法捕鱼问题上进行安全化操作,将其从一般的公共议题升级为紧急性的安全议题。佐科总统、军队及海洋事务和渔业部等部门构成“言语一行为”集团,通过言辞表达构建出“存在性威胁”,即非法捕鱼在传统安全领域威胁印尼的国家主权与领土完整,在非传统安全领域则是一种跨国犯罪,并在与民众互动中形成了相应的规范。印尼政府安全化非法捕鱼问题的动力包括增强防御能力、维护国家领土主权,推进海洋强国建设,保障渔民生存权,夯实执政根基等。而作为佐科政府的施政重点,妥当解决非法捕鱼问题,避免引起政治外交纠纷,则须进行相应的“去安全化”,通过外交与国际合作的方式解决。     

佐科政府南海政策初探

印尼不涉及南海"争议"岛礁的主权声索,其南海政策的实践以维护自身在南海的主权、经济、航行和区域政治利益为主要目的,在南海问题上一直努力扮演着"调解人"的角色。佐科总统提出的"世界海洋轴心"战略构想不仅为印尼国家的发展指明方向,也将成为新时期指导印尼南海政策发展的指导性纲领。     

印度尼西亚海洋划界问题:现状、特点与展望

印度尼西亚的海洋划界问题关系到印尼的核心利益,印尼从20世纪60年代末就开始与相关国家谈判,迄今至少还有五个比较重大的问题需要解决。印尼在处理海洋划界问题时,注重《联合国海洋法公约》的作用、谈判定力较强以及乐于参加国际海洋合作这三个特点得到较为明显的体现。印尼总统佐科提出的"全球海洋支点"愿景一方面展示了印尼在海洋划界谈判中维护本国国家利益的决心,另一方面也加大了解决问题的难度。     

《中韩自贸协定》影响下的两国渔业纠纷解决分析

《中韩渔业协定》是中韩两国在尚未达成划界协议的情况下,为维护渔业正常作业秩序所做出的临时性安排。然而,自2001年《协定》生效以来,中国渔船非法、不报告、无监管(IUU)的作业行为使得渔警纠纷频次不减反增,甚至屡屡发生恶性暴力事件。随着《中韩自贸协定》的生效,中韩在水产品方面的贸易关系将从垂直互补走向平衡竞争,捕捞业将面临更激励的竞争环境,生产效益将受到影响,结合中韩两国对非法捕捞问题日益重视,IUU捕鱼行为将面临更大的经济和法律风险。在此背景下,为化解中韩渔业纠纷、使我国渔民的生计得到持续保障,我国对内应采取经济手段预防IUU行为,加大对非法捕鱼的打击力度,做好渔民弃船转产的保障工作;对外应与韩方进行有效沟通,实现互信、统一执法形式和手段、呼吁文明执法。     

从“群岛观”到“全球海洋支点”构想——印尼海洋政策的形成及演变

苏哈托时期诞生的“群岛观”和佐科维的“全球海洋支点”构想都深刻影响着印尼海洋政策的构建路径和取向.这些印尼政治精英的海洋战略构想不仅植根于印尼历史上的海洋意识和海洋文化,并且与地区秩序、区域大国和中等强国身份,以及国内政治背景等现实利益诉求息息相关.从“海洋的领土化”的“群岛观”到“领土的海洋化”的“全球海洋支点”构想的转变,不仅标志着印尼政治精英的海洋意识和海洋战略构想路径的变化,而且也是近年来印尼在应对与周边国家海上冲突和争端时所采取的政策和举措的深层动因.     

中国与印尼的渔业合作

本文主要探讨中国与印尼在渔业领域的合作现状、存在问题以及合作前景.印尼作为世界最大的岛屿国家,拥有极为丰富的渔业资源,但本国渔业资源开发能力不足.中国与印尼之间正式的渔业合作始于2001年,两国签署了<渔业合作的谅解备忘录>和<双边安排>等协议,在渔业资源开发、渔业技术和知识产权、渔业关联产业、渔业基础设施和渔业工程、渔业环境监测和保护等方面开展了卓有成效的合作.当然,两国在渔业合作过程中也发生如"福远渔132"扣押事件,但中国与印尼双方本着真诚友好、以大局为重的态度,很好地解决了这一不愉快事件.中国印尼两国领导人均充分肯定了两国在渔业方面的良好合作,并强调要在互惠互利的基础上继续加强合作,特别是在水产养殖、合作捕捞、水产品加工和储藏、海洋渔业资源保护、禁止非法捕鱼等方面的合作,中国印尼两国渔业合作仍然具有很大的合作空间和前景.     

读家

环球热点A黄海水域渔民"惹事"与生存之困韩国海岸警卫队称,他们4月30日在黄海水域与涉嫌非法捕鱼的中国船只发生冲突,过程中,中国船员向乘坐渔业指导船靠近的韩方公务员挥舞刀、钩、镰刀等武器,4名海警在此过程中受伤,其     

佐科政权与印尼政党政治的发展——以处理美国自由港公司问题为例

在全球化背景下,国内政治与国际政治的互动进一步加强,而政党政治则堪称两者之间的"枢轴"。双层博弈理论认为,政党之间以及政党与国际环境的互动,将在一定程度上影响一个国家的对外政策,而对外政策也会影响一国政党间的互动与博弈。印尼和美国之间的自由港公司问题是印尼多年来面临的一个棘手而重大的对外政策议题,佐科及其政党联盟则借重自由港公司问题,利用政党政治的运作和影响,将"朝小野大"扭转成"朝大野小",最终顺利实现连任。在第二个任期内,如何维护政府权力以落实重大改革措施,又不至于让权力过于集中,威胁印尼国家政治稳定的基础,是佐科及其执政联盟必须高度重视并谨慎处理的难题。     

菲律宾海洋管理制度研究及评析

近年来,中菲围绕南海主权争议不断,尤其是"黄岩岛对峙事件"和"台湾渔民被射杀事件"严重影响了中菲关系,但从另一方面也反映了菲律宾加强海洋管理和海洋执法管理的事实。为了避免此类事件再次上演,维护我国海洋权益,本文试图对菲律宾的海洋管理政策、海洋立法、海洋执法管理以及与之相关的管理体制等多方面的管理制度进行研究、评析,并期望对我国加强海洋管理有所借鉴。     

印太语境下的日本—印尼海洋安全合作:进展、动因与限度

近年来,随着印太地区权力转移进程的加速,地区安全秩序开始变革,主要国家间的关系也处于重构中.作为印太地区两个具有代表性的重要国家,日本与印尼以海洋安全合作为重点,进一步加强和密切两国关系.日本—印尼合作既受到亚太乃至印太地区局势快速变化、美国对外政策调整等外部环境的较大影响,也是两国基于各自国家利益和战略取向的主动作为.然而,其合作受到若干负面因素的掣肘.双方不仅对未来海洋安全合作具体设想有所差异,在印太安全秩序构建主导权上也存在"美日印澳"或"东盟中心"的认知分歧,而且印尼等距离外交传统与国内民族主义思潮也会抑制两国合作的深入发展.因此,日本与印尼的海洋安全合作仍存在较多不确定性.     

Feckless and reckless or forbearing and resourceful? Looking behind the stereotypes of HIV and AIDS in "fishing communities"

Over the last decade evidence has emerged suggesting that inmany countries fisherfolk, as an occupational group, are atgreater risk to HIV and AIDS than the general adult population.This high vulnerability has been explained in terms of the lifestylesassociated with fishing and related occupations, such as fishprocessing and trading. Fishermen have been portrayed as risktakers, their attitudes and behaviour shaped by the physicaland economic risks of the fishing lifestyle. Women in fishingcommunities, often engaged in fish processing and trading andproviding food and lodging in fishing settlements, are portrayedas being in subordinate social and economic positions and preyto sexual exploitation by cash-rich fishermen. There is a dangerin such lifestyle summaries that fisherfolk are characterizedas feckless risk takers with a reckless attitude to the chanceof contracting HIV. In this article we look at the lives ofsome men, women, and children living in a lake-side communityin Uganda severely affected by HIV and AIDS to illustrate howexisting portrayals of fisherfolk, and fishing communities,need to avoid stereotypes in order to better inform appropriatehealth sector and livelihood support measures.     

Narcotic Drugs in Dubai: Lurking in the Shadows

Over the last two decades, illicit drugs have emerged as a growing social problem in the Arab Gulf states. Dubai is no exception, in spite of its reputation as an economic success story. Dubai has been affected in two ways: through the increased use of hard drugs, notably heroin, especially among its nationals; and through the role of transnational organised crime in moving illegal drugs through the sovereign space of the Emirate and onwards to larger markets. In spite of this growth, the authorities have been slow to respond. Where policy development has taken place it has emphasised the supply side, within which it has privileged law enforcement. There has been a zero tolerance approach on the demand side, which is only now beginning to soften at the edges. State provision for detoxification and rehabilitation is plainly inadequate. Wider society is to some extent complicit in this reality, as Emirati nationals tend to frown on such ‘weaknesses’.     

金大中"阳光政策"的两难处境与当前的朝鲜半岛形势

由于"9.11"事件的发生,美国的军事外交战略发生了的重大变化,而布什在今年1月29日发表的"国情咨文"中又公开点名朝鲜,伊拉克,伊朗为"邪恶轴心",从此朝鲜半岛的形势开始震荡起来.韩国政府和美国布什政府在朝鲜半岛问题上产生了裂痕.本文分析了金大中"阳光政策"遇到的困难和朝鲜半岛形势的症结所在以及可预见的前景.     

Malaysia’s Federal System: Overt and Covert Centralisation

In recent decades, many countries have implemented decentralisation drives to increase efficiency and responsiveness. However, Malaysia is an exception. Its federal system is more than 50 years old and, rather than decentralising, the country has pursued a sustained centralisation drive. The cause dates back to the pre-independence period, when the nationalist elite, the British and the traditional rulers negotiated the structure of the future government. The first two parties wanted a strong central government, but had to factor in pre-existing political structures centred on the rulers. The result was a federal system with a powerful central government and state governments with diminished responsibilities. Since independence, the ruling coalition founded by the nationalist elite has remained in power at the federal level. Enabled by the constitution’s “top-heavy” design and its unbroken tenure, the coalition has implemented a continuous centralisation drive. Further catalysts – but not causes – have been the implementation of the New Economic Policy and creeping authoritarianism. The centralisation drive has been pursued through a variety of tactics, including: appropriating state government responsibilities; altering incentive structures; privatising state government-owned assets; and “organisational duplication.” Recent policies look to continue this, precluding the potential benefits of a functioning federal system.     

“部落问题”:日本边缘社会的文化困境

部落是被歧视部落的简称,是日本历史上被称为"秽多、非人"的人所聚集的村落。几百年来,由于身份制度,部落民挣扎在社会的最底层,在职业、婚姻等社会生活等各个方面都受到歧视。近代开端的明治维新虽然颁布了《解放令》,但是未能真正使部落民摆脱受歧视的处境。二战后,随着部落民自身解放运动的展开,日本政府也实施了一系列推动部落解放的措施,但部落歧视在人们的思想中依然存在。文章论述了部落的起源及其在各个时期的生存状态和为改变自身命运进行的不懈斗争,并重点剖析了日本部落问题在近现代依然存在的深层的历史文化原因。     

The Discourse and Practice of Counter-Terrorism in Liberal Democracies

This article examines the post-Cold War tendency to broaden the counter-terrorism mandate to include other phenomena such as organised crime, drug-trafficking and illegal immigration. This redefinition has important implications for democracy, both at the level of discourse and at the level of practice. At the level of discourse, the plasticity of the word "terrorism" and its application to a wide variety of phenomena is a form of claims making activity by a variety of agencies fighting for budgetary allocations in an era of cost-cutting and deficit reduction. At the level of practice, the counter-terrorism mandate is being expanded to include the range of phenomena covered in the widening discourse and this, in turn, has led to a blurring of boundaries between internal and external security, police and military models of control, and public and private sectors. All this has an impact on the openness of government, the accountability of agencies of social control, the adherence to the rule of law in the fight against terrorism and related phenomena, and the possibility of informed consent by a public made fearful by the claims-making discourse as it is disseminated through the mass media.     

佐科维执政初期印尼华人社会状况初探

印尼总统佐科维自2014年10月上台以来,重视与中国发展政治与经贸关系,与中国缔结全面战略伙伴关系。在族群政策方面,他采用公平对待各族裔、各宗教的政策,继续改善包括华人在内的少数族裔的地位,华人的政治参与、经济参与和社会文化权利都有所提升。在此背景下,外界认为印尼华人正处在历史的最佳时期。但在较好的现状和光明的前景下,依然存在影响华人生存状况的隐忧。印尼经济发展疲软、政府控制力偏弱以及歧视华人的社会基础深厚,是造成隐忧频现的原因。如果佐科维政府的经济改革仍不奏效,政府对社会现状持续失控,针对华人的大规模骚乱事件仍将有可能发生。     

民间对日索赔与中国实施外交保护的可行性

基于人权的推动，传统外交保护的国家自由裁量特征开始发生转变。这既是义务限定，也是权利工具。至于民间对日索赔，中国政府无论是在法理基础上，还是在政治基础上，都具备了实施外交保护的可行性。     

越南海洋鱼类捕捞量演变特征及对中国的启示

文章通过对越南1995—2014年海洋渔业数据进行整理，运用GIS空间分析方法，对其沿海地区海洋鱼类捕捞量的演变过程进行研究。结果表明，1995—2014年间，越南海洋捕捞业呈现出迅猛发展的势头，其中北部湾沿岸省份整体增速较快；产量分布的空间差异明显，呈现出平均产量“南高北低”，平均增速“北快南慢”的发展特点；发展重心有所波动，但整体呈现出向北发展的趋势。可以判断，未来在南海地区，尤其是西沙、南沙海域的渔业资源，受到来自越南方面非法捕捞的威胁会逐渐增加，中越在上述地区爆发渔业冲突的可能性在增长。文章最后结合中国海洋渔业发展现状，从渔业合作、渔业执法和深海渔业发展等方面提出了中国的应对之策。     

Coal Mine Safety Regulation in China and the USA

The People's Republic of China (PRC) and the USA are, by long measure, the world's largest producers and consumers of coal. Coal production is inherently risky, and fatalities are unavoidable in these large coal economies. Both countries have developed complex systems of law to regulate coal mine safety. These systems share many attributes. Despite similarities between the separate systems of mining law, the PRC significantly trails the USA in terms of coal mine safety. Due to large disparity in economic development, it may be inappropriate to compare these two countries. However, the PRC's mine safety record is significantly worse than that of other large producers who are similarly underdeveloped. It appears that the PRC has failed to effectively implement its mining safety laws. Several arguments have been made as to the cause of this failure, including lack of judicial review of agency actions, lack of meaningful trade unions, government corruption and geographical difficulties of controlling rural mines with a central government. This article explores similarities and differences between the coal economies of the USA and PRC, and introduces some of the arguments used to explain the gap in safety.