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在社会主义市场经济的环境中,调控房地产市场固然要依靠经济手段,但在土地、规划、信息披露、市场监管等诸多环节,政府的作用不可或缺.房地产无论是作为消费品还是投资品,都在国民经济中占有重要地位.各国政府都会在不同程度上对房地产市场进行宏观调控.本文以日本"失落的十年"为例,分析了政府在房地产行业发展中的作用,肯定了中国政府为了避免房地产泡沫而做出的努力,提出了不足和建议. 相似文献
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在金融投机引发的虚假繁荣中,或在经济调整发展阶段,以股票、房地产为抵押取得的贷款又大批回流到高收益的房地产市场、股票市场,使虚拟资本的价格远大于实际资本的价值,这便是“金融泡沫”的形成。当泡沫膨胀到一定程度,由于某事件的引发,使投机者预期价格不再上涨,投资者便卖出资产以收回资金,引发价格暴跌狂潮,已贷款投入的资金大部分不能收回,造成银行大量呆帐,从而阻碍经济的正常发展,甚至出现经济倒退,这便是“金融泡沫”的破灭。金融泡沫好象本世纪以来的幽灵,到处游荡,在很多国家和地区都时隐时现,令各国政府和国际… 相似文献
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土地是构成任何一个国家经济基础的重要因素,其市场运行不仅受国民经济景气和金融政策的影响,而且反过来也对国民经济发展和金融体系产生重大影响,对于日本80、90年代的泡沫经济和金融危机要想有一个全面的认识,笔者认为,贯穿于70年代至90年代的地价“泡沫”和金融扩张及其相互作用是一条主线。尽管我国与日本在所有制等社会经济基础层次上存在很大差异,但在土地的市场运行和金融运行层次上却有着相似的作用机理,因此,分析研究日本这三十年间的地价涨跌及其与金融体系的关系,寻找其经济灾难的根源,吸取经验、借鉴教训,对于我国房地产业和金融体系的健康发展是很有裨益的。 相似文献
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《里斯本条约》在爱尔兰全民公决中遭到否决,爱尔兰与欧盟制宪进程的互动引起了广泛关注。①本文首先考察了解释欧盟条约改革进程的主要理论模式——自由政府间主义的基本假设及其在欧盟条约宪法化不断加强的背景下面临的挑战。其次,在回顾爱尔兰参与欧共体/欧盟条约改革历史与逻辑的基础上,着重分析了在欧洲制宪会议阶段爱尔兰政府的政策以及《里斯本条约》公决期间的辩论情况。最后,文章提出,小国爱尔兰参与欧盟制宪进程的案例对于自由政府间主义关于欧盟条约改革理论的完善发展,以及未来欧盟条约改革的实践具有多方面的启示意义。 相似文献
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俄罗斯金融危机的根源在于奉行的自由市场经济改革战略,放弃国家的宏观经济调控,实际经济部门严重萎缩,而金融投资市场空前繁荣,外汇市场极度动荡,为弥补政府预算赤字短期国债市场急剧膨胀,在外国短期流动资本的参与之下,形成了巨大的经济泡沫,随着外资的撤离,经济泡沫破灭,于1998年夏 相似文献
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《欧洲研究》2021,(3)
欧洲一体化对爱尔兰的国家身份产生了持久的深刻影响,为认识全球化、地区一体化进程中民族国家的身份变迁提供了重要的经验案例。爱尔兰的欧洲化进程与其现代化道路的探索相契合,带来了国家身份在国家形态、经济模式、社会治理、对外关系维度的重大变化。英国脱欧使爱尔兰国家发展再次面临关键历史节点,有助于爱尔兰民族摆脱历史上形成的对英国的心理依赖,成为爱尔兰潜在的"宪法时刻"和国家身份进一步变迁的契机,但也显示了其在参与地区一体化进程中借助"后民族国家"方案解决历史遗留的领土问题面临的复杂挑战。就该问题开展深入的跨学科研究不仅有助于拓展欧洲化研究在历史制度主义等领域的理论和实证研究议程,而且彰显了在更广义的欧洲学和全球化研究视野下国别研究和比较研究的学术价值。 相似文献
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Neil Johnston 《议会、议员及代表》2016,36(2):115-136
The Irish Restoration financial settlement formed an integral part of the deal that was struck between Irish Protestants and the restored Charles II in the early 1660s. Driven by a desire to retain lands acquired in the 1650s, the Protestant-dominated Irish government crafted a set of financial bills that granted the Crown a perpetual and hereditary revenue in Ireland in return for security of tenure. Based on innovative Cromwellian reforms, the royal government retained many elements of Cromwellian fiscal policy, which transformed the Irish economy into a net contributor to the English Treasury by the 1680s. The customs and excise acts also laid the basis for the emergence of an embryonic state bureaucracy that emerged in Ireland during Charles II's reign. This article examines both the rationale behind the Irish Protestant interest's policies in the early 1660s and the political negotiating that saw them secure favourable land legislation at the expense of those Catholics who had served the monarchy in the 1640s and 1650s. 相似文献
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Colum Kenny 《议会、议员及代表》2019,39(1):32-46
This article highlights the stressful logistics of final negotiations for the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, a treaty that both ended the Irish war of independence (1919–21) and authorized the creation of the Irish Free State (1922). The treaty also confirmed a new international border which is still problematic today (not least in respect to the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union). Caught between dissidents in Dublin and experienced British ministerial negotiators in London, the ostensible plenipotentiaries of an Irish revolutionary government were obliged to rush back by rail and boat on a fraught mission to Ireland and then return immediately to London for final negotiations. The article lays bare the circumstances of that fateful weekend of 2-4 December 1921, two days after which the Irish team in London signed a controversial document that was to be contested in a civil war between different groups of Irish nationalists in 1922. The author argues that logistical pressures cannot be divorced from political tensions bearing down on negotiators. 相似文献
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Colin Hay 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2009,11(3):461-478
This article presents a comparative analysis of the determinants, sustenance and broader macroeconomic consequences of the ultimately unsustainable housing boom in Ireland and the UK in recent years. It examines, in particular, the role played by ostensibly depoliticised monetary policy in both contexts in the development of a house price bubble that has served to fuel consumer-led growth. It assesses the viability, sustainability and reproducibility of the private debt-financed consumer boom that house price inflation has generated. In the process it draws attention to the increasingly differentiated character of both government inflationary preferences and counter-inflationary performance—with the shift to official measures of inflation that exclude mortgage interest repayments and, in the UK at least, to the covert re-politicisation of monetary policy. It concludes by suggesting that governments may well not have time-inconsistent inflationary preferences so much as sectorally specific inflationary preferences. This might be summarised in terms of the aphorism: 'retail price inflation bad, house price inflation good'. 相似文献
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After the “Troubles” broke out in Northern Ireland in 1969, the Australian government became increasingly concerned that these international tensions would manifest themselves within the Irish diaspora. Sympathy for Irish Republicanism was identified in a number of nationalist and socialist groups in Australia which were monitored by the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO). Although chiefly focused on the Communist Party of Australia, ASIO monitored Irish Republicans alongside other left-wing groups and social movements. Based on recently released ASIO files, this article explores the extent to which they were surveilled. The article argues that the monitoring of the Irish Republicans can fit into two periods. The first period, from the outbreak of the “Troubles” in 1969 to 1972, was when Irish Republicanism was seen as an extension of the Communist and Trotskyist groups in Australia. The second period, from 1972 through to the late 1970s, saw security services much more concerned about Irish Republicanism as terrorism, as international terrorism and the expansion of the IRA's bombing campaigns outside of Northern Ireland became an increasing concern. This shift in perceptions of Irish Republicanism demonstrates a wider shift in focus for ASIO and the Australian authorities from Cold War counter-subversion to counter-terrorism. 相似文献
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俄罗斯与中国社会经济体系改革进程与模式比较研究——以俄中住房体系改革为视角 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
住房体系改革作为整体经济与社会制度变迁的一个组成部分,不仅对住房模式带来巨大的影响,同时还影响到一个国家的经济发展与社会问题的形成。仅就对经济的短期贡献而言,中国的住房体系改革成就无疑是引人瞩目的,而俄罗斯住房体系改革并未给经济增长带来额外的贡献。但从改革生成的结果现状,特别是已经形成的住房体系模式而言,中国住房体系改革结果的后期修正代价已经显现且成本巨大。在已经成熟的市场经济体系的未来制度改革设计方面,俄罗斯住房体系的制度变迁也许可以给我们提供一些思考的路径。 相似文献
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《German politics》2013,22(3):119-140
Recent conflicts between the Commission of the European Communities and the German government suggest a growing tension between structures of the German political economy and the agenda of economic liberalisation fostered by European integration. Will mounting conflict ultimately force Germany to choose between its commitment to the integrity of the social market economy and support for European economic integration? This article considers the cases of Germany's public sector banks and the German postal service. Both entail potential conflict between the public service functions integral to the social market economy and the competition central to Europe's single market. Examination of these cases suggests that, rather than forcing change on a reluctant Germany and jeopardising the core of the social market economy (SME), enforcement of European competition policy from Brussels has taken place in fundamental symbiosis with the SME. Nonetheless, tensions between federal government and Länder indicate that a positive-sum relationship between Europe's single market and Germany's social market economy may be constrained by German federalism. 相似文献
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Colum Kenny 《议会、议员及代表》2017,37(3):256-268
This article concerns the only session of the Irish parliament during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries at which most members shared the Roman Catholic religion of the majority of Irish people. It explores for the first time the significance of that parliament’s meeting in 1689 at an inn of court, a location at which members never before or afterwards convened, and highlights in this context the leading role of judges and senior law officers in its affairs there. Attended by James II, it was also the only Irish parliament opened by a king of England and Ireland before the institution’s abolition in 1800. Dismissed by its Williamite detractors as ‘pretended’ and even by some Jacobites as ‘pernicious’ for distracting King James from military objectives, the assembly of 1689 was later depicted by nostalgic nationalists as ‘the patriot parliament’. 相似文献
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Arvydas Jadevicius 《Journal of Baltic studies》2016,47(3):385-398
This research examines the macro-determinants of the Lithuanian housing market. The study employs the Granger causality test to assess the interdependence of a number of macro-variables and the national housing price index. Regardless of the limitations involved with this methodology, the empirical findings suggest that the Lithuanian housing market relates to growth in building activity, interest rates, inflation, and employment. Considering all of these results, the research highlights useful policy implications for property market participants. Investors and developers can employ this information to guide their investment decisions. Likewise, the government and central bank could use this updated knowledge to drive a successful macroeconomic program. 相似文献