欧盟为什么需要民族国家?——兼论欧洲一体化的理论误读

近年来,欧洲一体化进程遭遇了民族主义的回潮。是什么力量在维系欧盟成员国内部的民族主义?一体化的超国家理念经历了三代人的论证、传播、普及并实质性地弱化了边境、统一了货币之后,为什么还是没有"驯服"早就被宣布要退出历史舞台的民族主义?本研究从大卫·米特兰尼提出功能主义路径的历史背景入手,指出欧洲一体化从未获得过消灭民族国家、实现深度政治融合的理论保证。从根本上而言,功能主义路径指导下的一体化未能替代民族主义和民族国家的三项基本政治功能:一是确保相当范围内的政治团结;二是维持福利国家的道德前提;三是共识的再生产。欧洲一体化在过去半个多世纪中的成功有赖于民族国家提供的政治根基,对民族国家的超越难以在缺少功能替代的前提下发生。     

试析欧洲认同与民族认同的关系

欧洲认同的形成是一体化深入发展的需要。但是一体化进程中也存在一种要求尊重、维护成员国民族认同的观点。因此一体化的发展需要处理正在形成中的欧洲认同和现有的民族认同之间的关系。在这个问题上,欧盟一直存在超国家主义、国家中心主义和多元主义三种不同的观点。超国家主义认为欧洲认同必然取代民族认同;国家中心主义则站在民族主义立场上对欧洲认同的发展持悲观态度;多元主义则宣扬欧洲认同和民族认同相互依存、相互补充的观点。对欧盟公民的社会调查结果表明,国家主义的观点仍然得到许多民众的支持,但是多元主义正在逐渐深入人心。特别是一种民族认同+欧洲认同的多元主义方式,正在为越来越多的欧盟民众所接受,这为欧洲一体化的发展奠定了一定的社会基础。     

宪法爱国主义与欧洲认同:欧盟宪法的启示

宪法爱国主义是理解欧洲认同的主要理论模式之一,但也有许多人批评其为哲学家头脑中的空想方案。欧盟当前的制宪进程为我们认识这一理论提供了初步的经验事实。研究表明,欧盟制宪进程在一定程度上体现了协商民主政治的特征,具有促进欧洲认同的潜力。但欧盟宪法进程在法荷公决中遭受的挫折也表明,欧洲民众与政治精英在一体化发展道路的认识上存在很大的距离。尽管如此,作者仍认为哈贝马斯的宪法爱国主义应被理解为对欧盟现有政体提供有益补充的、以价值正义和社会公平为目标的长期对话与协商过程。在此过程中,只有在对欧洲民众的利益诉求给予充分关注的基础上实现欧洲多层次、多领域的有效协商,建立起整个欧洲范围的公共政治领域,宪法爱国主义才能成为一条实现欧洲认同的可行的中间道路。     

中东欧国家政治转型的比较与评估——以克罗地亚民主化进程为例

在中东欧国家政治发展进程中,加入欧盟和向欧盟趋同是评估民主化的两个坐标。起初,政治转轨的开启和入盟的诉求在不同时期为民主化提供了动力。实现入盟愿景后,以治理为内容、以趋同为形式的欧洲融合成为评估民主化质量的重要参考。后冲突国家和欧盟新成员国的共同属性使克罗地亚成为考察西巴尔干地区和欧盟中东欧成员国的民主化进程及差异的极好案例和参照。从过去30年各类民主指数评级、国家治理指数得分,特别是"政府俘获"的情况可以看出,入盟对克罗地亚民主化的正向作用十分显著,但入盟后条件性约束缺失、对国内政治文化传统的"依赖"以及执政集团"政府俘获"能力强大等因素交互使得克罗地亚民主巩固的深化充满着反复、曲折甚至某种程度上的倒退。前者从西巴尔干成员入盟进度和民主化程度的正向关系得到验证,后者在几乎所有欧盟中东欧成员国出现的"非自由转向"现象中获得解释。中东欧的现象是否引发了欧洲的民主回潮趋势尚难断言,但无疑为考察欧洲一体化走向,特别是欧盟政治融合能力提供了极好的视角。     

英国脱欧与英欧数据保护关系的新构建

英国脱欧的强政治化动力使得英欧未来总体关系发展为保留成员国资格、加入共同市场的挪威模式或特殊双边关系的瑞士模式的可能性较小,相对可能的理想博弈均衡点是"自贸区+模式"。在这一总体模式下,英欧新数据保护关系的内容之一是英国通过新《数据保护法》持续执行《一般数据保护条例》和《执法指令》等欧盟核心数据保护规范;内容之二是在跨境数据流动方面,英国获得"充分性决定+"的定制模式,包括《一般数据保护条例》和《执法指令》下的双重充分性决定、英国对于欧盟数据保护制度的适度参与。但这两个方面还面临诸多不确定性。英欧新数据保护关系将呈现出欧盟的外部差异一体化特点:欧盟成员国身份的强政治化、英欧数据保护关系的强相互依赖以及数据保护政策的弱政治化,意味着英国即便脱欧,在数据保护上仍将参与欧洲一体化。     

论欧债危机的政治化与大众意见:基于权威合法性关系的视角

本文旨在以欧债危机为背景,分析大众意见在欧洲议题的政治化进程中的表现和影响。为此,在介绍了欧洲议题的政治化的概念基础上,本文利用权威合法性关系的理论视角对大众意见的重要性进行了研究。社会调查数据表明,欧盟大众在欧债危机被严重政治化的影响下,尽管对欧盟的支持有所下降,但对欧盟解决危机的前景和信心依然存在。     

论欧债危机的政治化与大众意见：基于权威一合法性关系的视角

本文旨在以欧债危机为背景，分析大众意见在欧洲议题的政治化进程中的表现和影响。为此，在介绍了欧洲议题的政治化的概念基础上，本文利用权威一合法性关系的理论视角对大众意见的重要性进行了研究。社会调查数据表明，欧盟大众在欧债危机被严重政治化的影响下，尽管对欧盟的支持有所下降，但对欧盟解决危机的前景和信心依然存在。     

话语行动与身份建构:“规范性力量欧洲”的反思

本世纪初伊安-曼纳斯提出"规范性力量欧洲"后在欧洲研究学界引起了广泛的反响和争论,这一理论视角常常被认为太过理想主义。曼纳斯为什么作出这样的规范理论选择?他又是如何通过这样的选择去应对欧盟的现实困境的?本文从建构主义的概念分析出发提出"规范性力量欧洲"的理论问题来源于冷战后欧洲的社会现实,它的提出及发展很大程度上是为了应对冷战结束后欧盟身份认同对外和对内两个向度的深刻危机;政治学者通过"规范性力量欧洲"这一政治话语来界定他者,以此来建构欧盟的认同。     

欧盟气候新政及其对欧洲一体化的推动

在应对气候变化挑战方面,欧盟的政策进程一直领先世界。欧盟也是全球气候政策的动议者和领导者。欧盟最新的气候政策不仅出于解决经济增长、就业及能源供应等社会经济问题的需要,而且旨在建构"欧洲认同",推动欧洲一体化深入发展,提高欧盟的国际竞争力和国际政治影响力。本文具体阐述和分析了欧盟气候新政措施的特点,提出欧盟气候新政将有助于推动欧洲一体化的发展,最后指出了欧盟气候政策在实践中存在的不确定因素和问题。     

欧盟东扩的文化基础及其战略意义

20世纪 90年代欧盟各成员国开始了长达数年的欧洲认同讨论 ,并通过确定欧洲文化认同和欧洲 (文化 )界定 ,促进欧洲一体化 ,实现后冷战时期欧洲的稳定和安全。在这一背景下 ,欧盟在 90年代开始推出东扩计划 ,并把它同欧元与共同外交和防务一起看作是后冷战时期欧盟实现欧洲安全和稳定的三项主要行动。综观近年欧盟东扩计划实施进程 ,人们不难看到 ,除政治、经济和安全因素外 ,欧盟东扩在一定程度上也受到文化因素的制约。本文从欧洲文化认同和欧盟东扩两个方面 ,阐述欧盟东扩的文化基础和其战略意义 ,以此探索欧盟东扩的文化特殊性     

Die Politik der Grenze

The article deals with processes of demarcation as part of the process of Europeanization. It starts with a concept of borders and border control as central function of political systems and raises the question to which extent the European integration brings about a redrawing of territorial boundaries. First, it will be shown that the European integration is associated with a de-institutionalization of borders between the member states. Subsequently, it is argued that the removal of boundaries between the member states necessarily increases the importance of the external borders of the EU. The article describes and documents the role of the European Union in organising and coordinating a new emerging border regime. The last part discusses whether the macro-territorial borders of the EU resemble the borders of nation states. It is suggested that despite the tendencies to ?harden“ the external borders of the EU, these borders remain fuzzy and changeable, because the EU has developed a large number of forms of association and cooperation with neighbouring countries of the EU. In addition, due to the ?moving borders“ of the EU it seems rather unlikely that the EU-borders will ever become as rigid as nation state borders. The conclusion discusses the issue whether Europe can be seen as a forerunner of a new relationship between territory, demarcation and political order.     

《里斯本条约》:欧盟改革与宪政化

作为欧盟历时近十年改革与宪政化的成果,《里斯本条约》为欧洲一体化开启了一个新的篇章,在很多方面为欧洲一体化奠定了新的基础。从《里斯本条约》的内容来看,欧盟的本轮改革基本实现了2001年"莱肯宣言"所提出的目标,解决了欧盟扩大后的运行机制问题,在机制上加强了欧盟应对全球化挑战的行动能力,《里斯本条约》将使欧盟更加透明、更具效率、更加民主化。在这个意义上,《里斯本条约》为欧盟在可预见的将来提供了稳定的机构与机制框架,无疑会促进欧洲一体化的进一步发展。但是,从欧盟宪法条约的起草到《里斯本条约》生效过程中存在着各种争论及《里斯本条约》本身来看,《里斯本条约》并没有解决欧洲一体化的许多根本性问题,它虽然预示了欧洲进一步一体化的方向,但没有确定欧洲一体化未来可发展的目标。     

欧洲政治一体化的发展与前瞻

欧洲政治一体化经历了"欧洲政治合作"、"共同外交与安全政策"以及"共同安全与防务政策"三个发展阶段,使欧洲国家外交政策的合作越来越紧密。然而因各国外交利益的不同道致欧洲外交政策无法步调一致,因此影响了欧洲联盟对国际事务的影响力。《里斯本条约》改变了欧洲联盟传统的外交与安全体系,创造了一个"金三角、两系统"的新格局,亦即建构"新人事制度"、"新外交决策体系"与"新外交行政体系"等,使欧洲联盟外交与安全体系焕然一新。这种新格局下可能创造出来的外交能量,极可能增强欧盟的外交能力,使欧洲联盟成为更具影响力的全球角色,这项变革将大大增加欧洲联盟成为国际政治新强权的实力,未来欧盟亦将因此对国际体系发挥前所未有的影响力,以上发展值得深入研究与观察。     

Reshaping EU Attitudes? The Case of Social Democratic and Radical Left Parties in Spain and Italy

Since the beginning of the Great Recession, the issue of European integration has become increasingly salient in many European polities. The European left has adopted a different stance toward European integration, both in terms of economic and welfare‐state integration. On the one hand, radical left parties (RLPs) have always opposed a process of integration dominated by neoliberal logic; on the other hand, the social democratic parties (SDPs) have appeared as one of the main pro‐EU party families, identifying the EU as a privileged space in which to promote the building of a European social model. In this paper, we propose a binary comparison between RLPs and SDPs in Italy and Spain with a qualitative content analysis methodology. Our results show that albeit the crisis brought SDPs closer to a Eurocritical stance vis‐à‐vis the social‐Europe, this dimension along with the political integration are still dividing issues for the RLPs and SDPs families.     

The Europeanisation of the German Bundestag: Institutional change and informal adaptation

At first glance, the Europeanisation of the German Bundestag seems quite straightforward: in reaction to the process of European integration the Bundestag acquired a set of comparatively strong participation and scrutiny rights in EU politics. It therefore seems rather astonishing that German members of parliament make only very little use of these rights. Different explanations have been put forward in the literature, such as the complicated decision-making system of the EU and the government's gate-keeper position within it, institutional flaws of the German scrutiny system as well as the overall consensus on European integration and the low electoral salience of EU issues. The paper contributes to this discussion in two respects: On the one hand, it offers an additional explanation for the infrequent use of formal instruments. The main argument is that the formal instruments of scrutiny in EU affairs are incompatible with both the overall logic of a parliamentary system as well as the challenges of policy-making in the EU multilevel system. On the other hand, the paper argues that the exclusive focus on the use of formal parliamentary scrutiny rights leads us to overlook more informal means of parliamentary influence and therefore to underestimate the involvement of German parliamentarians in EU affairs. Thus, in order to fully assess processes of parliamentary Europeanisation, we need to take forms of informal or strategic Europeanisation into account.     

Zur Bedeutung „transnationalen Sozialkapitals“: Sind Grenzgebiete Laboratorien sozialer Integration in Europa?

The article focuses on transnational relations in border regions. Social capital theory assumes that in border regions special opportunity structures exist for the social integration of the population of old and new member states of the European Union based on the specific possibilities for cross-border cooperation. Border regions may be seen as “laboratories of social integration”. The article discusses whether “transnational social capital” actually develops and to what extent it adds to the social integration of the regions and of Europe. Representative survey data from the German-Polish, German-Czech, and German-French border regions – gathered on both sides of the border – serve as the basis of the analysis. Results show that currently – especially on the old outer borders of the EU – the accumulated transnational social capital adds very little to social integration at the regional and European level.     

边界转型对欧洲一体化进程的影响机制

成员国边界对欧洲一体化的影响是复杂和深刻的,一般可以概括为显性和隐性两个方面。从边界转型的角度看,欧洲一体化的过程就是边界不断由阻碍效应向接触和过滤效应转变的过程,而边境地区一体化又可以成为边界转型的重要推动力。因此,从这个意义上说,边境地区一体化是欧洲一体化的微观动力。本文首先分析了成员国边界对欧洲一体化的影响机制,进而讨论边境地区合作对边界转型的意义,最后探讨了欧洲边境地区一体化的治理模式。     

‘Responsibility for Europe’: the EU policy of the German Social Democrats since unification

The following article analyses the European Union (EU) policy of the German Social Democrats (SPD) since German unity. Starting from the cross-party European consensus in the early 1990s SPD policy has altered significantly in response to major changes in the ‘policy context’ such as the party's rise from opposition to government, German unification and increasing European integration. Policy change in the SPD has been defined by two dynamics: greater ‘pragmatism’ among a new generation of party leaders that has allowed a ‘freer’ interpretation of German interests; and a gradual prioritisation of EU policy in the party elite that has seen it integrated into a multi-level programme for political governance. The article examines how these changes manifested themselves in SPD policy, focusing on European Economic and Monetary Union and the debate on ‘the future of Europe’.     

Towards conflict or cooperation? The Ukraine crisis and EU-Russia relations

The Ukraine crisis and Russia’s contribution to it have raised numerous concerns regarding the possible emergence of a new ‘Cold War’ in Europe. At the same time, Ukraine’s popular choice and enthusiasm for European integration expressed clearly on the streets of Kyiv seem to have caused Russia to adopt a (neo)revisionist attitude. In this context, relations between Russia and the EU (and the West for that matter) have been limited, frozen and directed on path towards conflict. This article analyses how the traditional dichotomy between conflict and cooperation in EU–Russia relations was replaced by conflict in the context of the Ukraine crisis. The article contends that the breakdown of the symbolic and peaceful cohabitation between the EU and Russia has been influenced by the fact that both actors have chosen to ignore key tensions that characterized their post-Cold War interactions. The article identifies three such tensions: the first emphasizes divisions between EU member states and their impact on coagulating a common EU approach towards Russia; the second (geopolitical) tension highlights the almost mutually exclusive way in which the EU and Russia’s security interests have developed in the post-Soviet space; finally, the third contends that a clash of values and worldviews between the EU and Russia makes conflict virtually unavoidable.     

“欧洲学期”机制探析

"欧洲学期"机制是欧盟为应对和克服主权债务危机而推出的一项深化和扩大政策协调、完善其经济治理的重大改革举措。本文通过对"欧洲学期"机制产生的背景、主要内容与创新、其初期效果以及对欧洲一体化进程的影响的分析,认为该机制虽然在政策有效性和合法性上存在一些不足之处,但在制度设计上具有明显的创新和突破,标志着欧盟财政协调制度向前迈进了实质性的重要一步。