美国学者研究当代中国周边外交与安全的新视角

长期以来,美国学者把对中国周边安全研究置于国际体系演变的背景下进行考察,他们密切关注中国周边外交政策调整,把"亲诚惠容"理念与中国提升周边外交软实力联系起来,认为这是中国展示"魅力外交"的重要途径。美国学者对中美在朝核问题上所扮演的角色有不同的认知,他们从地缘政治困境的角度分析"六方会谈"机制的得失,强调美韩同盟、美日同盟对解决朝核问题的制约作用。中印美战略关系的形成对南亚及印度洋的和平与安全至关重要,美国学者认为虽然美印对华战略选择不尽相同,但实行对华接触政策符合美印全球战略的需要,地缘政治与地缘经济的双重因素制约着变化中的中印美三角关系,经济与安全是检验三角关系好坏的试金石。美国学界有关地缘政治经济考量、软实力外交、联盟体系制约作用的研究,凸显了其当代中国周边外交与安全研究的新视角。     

欧盟共同外交与安全:大国态度的比较分析

在共同外交与安全领域,欧盟政策的制定和执行属于政府间合作性质,其发展进程既受到欧盟成员国尤其是英、法、德等大国态度的影响,在某种程度上亦受到相关非成员国特别是欧盟最重要的伙伴盟国美国立场的制约。本文从比较政治学的视角具体分析英、法、德、美等大国在欧盟共同外交与安全政策上的立场和态度,指出:英国视共同外交与安全政策为追求本国利益的工具,充当欧美之间的平衡器与调停者;法国作为共同外交与安全政策最坚定的推动者,积极寻求欧盟在国际事务中用一个声音说话;德国借助共同外交与安全建设,谋求欧盟政治领导和世界性政治大国地位;美国则主张在北约框架内推动欧盟有限的共同外交与安全政策,继续保持美国在欧洲安全事务中的主导权。     

欧盟行为体角色的比较分析——以哥本哈根与巴黎气候会议为例

行为体角色关系到行为体是否拥有权利、能力和机会去开展外交政策以及实施具有何种特点的外交政策。气候政策是欧盟在内部及外部发挥影响力的重要领域,欧盟作为国际气候谈判中的关键行为体,其行为体角色值得关注,欧盟在气候谈判过程中的表现差异也值得进行学理分析。本文在结构与聚焦的比较分析方法指导下,对欧盟在哥本哈根和巴黎气候变化大会上的表现进行对比,发现欧盟在两次气候变化大会中表现出不一致的行为体角色。欧盟内部气候治理、气候外交和谈判策略以及国际情景因素是影响欧盟行为体角色塑造和效果发挥的三个主要因素。     

欧盟共同外交与安全政策的法律分析

欧洲联盟的共同外交与安全政策是其对外关系政策中一个不可分割的重要组成部分。由于它关乎欧盟及其成员国的和平与安全这些根本利益 ,所以一直备受关注。对于这一领域的研究 ,由于其突出和鲜明的政治意义 ,常见于国际政治、国际关系和外交等领域的研究成果之中 ,相关的法律研究相对比较薄弱。本文从国际法 (特别是条约法 )和欧盟法 (特别是缔约权 )的角度 ,对欧盟共同外交与安全政策的历史发展、相关《欧洲联盟条约》和《欧盟制宪条约》的法律规定以及相关缔约实践进行系统的梳理与考察 ,以期丰富这一领域的法律研究。     

法国和欧盟共同外交与安全政策

一、法国对发展欧盟共同外交与安全政策的立场1.发展共同外交与安全政策——法国安全战略的核心要素冷战的结束导致法国在国际政治棋盘上的重要性下降。一方面,冷战后美国咄咄逼人     

检视欧盟共同外交政策运作共同体化的可能性

随着欧盟不断深化和扩大,又企图在全球事务上扮演重要角色,国际学界遂从原共同体法研究和共同外交与安全政策研究中发展出一个针对欧盟对外事务法律研究的新领域,专门研究欧盟对外事务的法律规范,以及这些规范对欧盟对外行为的影响。由于《里斯本条约》取消了三支柱架构,将共同体和联盟合并成一个新的欧洲联盟,并赋予法律人格,原共同体法也蜕变为联盟法,学界开始探索原共同体法是否可能因此渗入共同外交与安全政策运作。本文顺着制度主义的脉络,首先分析《里斯本条约》创设的新制对欧盟共同外交政策运作可能产生的影响,然后尝试聚焦法律的演变,来探究欧盟共同外交"共同体化"的可能,包括欧洲法院对共同外交政策的管辖权、共同外交决策在新联盟中的法律位阶,以及欧盟通过《欧盟运行条约》第352条径行扩权的可能性。作者认为,欧盟共同外交的"共同体化"其实早已悄悄展开,《里斯本条约》则可能会加快这个发展,但是通过法律渗透而建立的一体化共同外交政策,并不能提升其效率,反而可能治丝愈棼,掣肘欧盟在全球事务上扮演一个更积极、更有影响力的角色。     

德国教授谈欧盟共同外交与安全政策

2004年9月2日,德国联邦国防军大学国际政治、安全政策、国防及国际法研究所所长施塔克教授(Prof.MichaelStaack)在社科院欧洲所做了题为"欧盟东扩背景下的共同外交与安全政策"的报告。现将报告内容摘要介绍如下。欧盟安全所面临的挑战施塔克教授认为,欧盟安全目前所面临     

欧洲政治一体化的发展与前瞻

欧洲政治一体化经历了"欧洲政治合作"、"共同外交与安全政策"以及"共同安全与防务政策"三个发展阶段,使欧洲国家外交政策的合作越来越紧密。然而因各国外交利益的不同道致欧洲外交政策无法步调一致,因此影响了欧洲联盟对国际事务的影响力。《里斯本条约》改变了欧洲联盟传统的外交与安全体系,创造了一个"金三角、两系统"的新格局,亦即建构"新人事制度"、"新外交决策体系"与"新外交行政体系"等,使欧洲联盟外交与安全体系焕然一新。这种新格局下可能创造出来的外交能量,极可能增强欧盟的外交能力,使欧洲联盟成为更具影响力的全球角色,这项变革将大大增加欧洲联盟成为国际政治新强权的实力,未来欧盟亦将因此对国际体系发挥前所未有的影响力,以上发展值得深入研究与观察。     

欧盟、美国对伊朗的经济制裁:政策分歧及其弥合

20世纪90年代中期以来,欧盟与美国在对伊朗实施经济制裁问题上产生了政策分歧,不过这种分歧在2006年旨在解决伊朗核问题的"六国方案"出台后又实现了部分弥合。本文在分别尝试国际体系结构变化、核能领域的特殊性以及地缘经济与政治等理论解释路径后认为,美、欧的政策分歧及其弥合都可以通过运用地缘经济学理论给予比较合理的解释。文章结论部分指出,地理上的毗邻以及与美国不同的对外政策决策机制,是欧盟各国对中东地缘经济利益更为重视的两大原因。     

欧盟能源安全战略一体化的困境分析

欧盟委员会构想中的欧洲能源联盟的五大支柱是:能源安全(巩固与信任)、统一的内部能源市场、提高能效、减排、研究与创新,能源安全居其首。有别于在统一的欧洲市场和共同外交与安全政策上取得的进展,欧盟能源安全一体化却困境重重,始终处于较低的水平,能源安全在共同外交与安全政策框架中也没有得到体现。欧盟能源安全战略一体化的困境根本上源自于欧盟作为一个国际关系行为体在能源安全战略上的三种矛盾:政府间与超国家的矛盾、自主性与依赖性的矛盾、能源议题安全化与非安全化的矛盾。政府间与超国家的矛盾由集体行动的困境和主权让渡的困境造成,自主性与依赖性的矛盾产生于欧盟与霸权盟友美国的特殊能源关系,能源议题安全化与非安全化的矛盾集中于能源的灰色属性,即能源兼具经济性与安全性。这三种矛盾通过直接或彼此交互影响的方式造成了欧盟能源安全一体化的困境。     

The Shift of the World Centre and its Impact on the Change of the International System

The shift of power engendered by the rise of China will not only change the current international configuration, but will likely lead to a shift of the power centre of the world from Europe to East Asia. Nevertheless, neither the change of the international configuration nor this transfer of the power centre of the world will inevitably bring about the change of the international system. The international system consists of three components including international actors, international configuration and international norms. If a qualitative change of one of these components were treated as a qualitative change of the system, it would not be possible to distinguish the difference between the components and the system nor to determine the relationship between them. A minimum of a qualitative change of at least two components must be observed to be defined as a qualitative change in the system. Because the rise of China is the main engine changing the international configuration, it will be faced with increasing pressure from the system. Thus, China has to adopt a foreign strategy in accordance with its international status and policy for wining more strategic partners and constructing new international norms.     

Europäische multiple Modernität als interzivilisatorische Konstellation

In interdisciplinary and sociological research on Europe, Euro-centric modernization premises are still dominant, i.e, the explanation of the European multi-level regime on the basis of transnational spill-over mechanisms originating from modernizing national societies in Europe. In contrast, this article will outline an inter-civilizational multiple modernities approach to Europe, based on the work of Shmuel Eisenstadt. Such an approach needs to focus on: 1. the multiplicity of modernization trajectories and modernities, particularly in view of the transformation processes in postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe; 2. the international and inter-civilizational relations and encounters between European and non-European civilizational complexes; and 3. the global role of Europe and the global impact on Europe in a globalizing world. Only in considering such an inter-civilizational and global context is it possible to adequately conceptualize, analyze and explain the dynamics of the European integration and enlargement process.     

欧洲2020战略:解读与启示

2008年世界金融危机之后,欧洲的社会经济发展进入一个困难期。如何化解负面影响和各类制约因素,增强综合经济实力、缓解社会矛盾和提升国际影响力,是欧洲需要应对的重要挑战。欧洲必须加快向智慧型增长、可持续增长和包容性增长等三大经济模式转型,以构建一个支撑未来十年欧洲健康有序发展的战略体系。本文从制定背景、基本框架、核心内容和经验借鉴等角度,系统解读欧洲2020战略,并简要归纳其对中国增长模式的启示。     

Liberal International Theory and Imagining the End of the Cold War

Liberal international theory foresaw neither the end of the east–west rivalry nor the fall of the Soviet Union. However, from the 1960s up through the 1980s, several liberal international theorists put forward insightful analyses of the evolution of the cold war, its changing importance in world affairs and the problems that increasingly confronted the Soviet Union. Well before the fall of the Berlin Wall, several liberal international writers sensed that the cold war was abating, that this abatement was important for world politics and that the Soviet Union was having serious problems in maintaining its status as a superpower with an Eastern European empire.     

论欧盟的经济力量

从人口、国内生产总值、国际贸易等经济总量考察,欧盟作为一个整体的经济实力基本与美国相当;从经济多极化的角度而言,欧盟是世界经济的重要一极。欧元自启动以来很快成为仅次于美元的世界第二大货币,这打破了美元一家独霸的局面,有助于国际金融体系的稳定和促进世界经济的平衡发展。欧盟依据其经济力量,通过贸易和发展援助政策以及倡导多边主义原则而成为国际经济的规则制定者。欧盟的经济一体化模式和经济社会模式对世界经济产生了重大的示范影响。     

Studying contemporary Europe

The study of contemporary Europe has attracted growing attention in mainstream political science and international relations. Both studies of the European Union and cross-country comparisons of various political phenomena in different European countries are beginning to enrich our understanding of the process and limitations of integration. This growth of interest has also been stimulated by the opening up of central and eastern Europe which has encouraged scholars to address the issues of transformation using the tools of comparative politics. In addition, studies of Europeanisation are now being more systematically related to broader international developments and to the process of globalisation. British scholars, and British-based scholars, are making important contributions to the debates in political science and international relations. This review article traces some of the strands of this development.     

“China in South America: Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela”

The growing presence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in South America highlights its domestic priorities. On the economic side, high levels of development, source of political stability and international recognition, exacerbate the need of importing natural resources and exporting manufactured products. Politically, the policy of national reunification, which is also an important provider of stability drawn from nationalism, demand strengthening relations with countries in areas attracted by Taiwan, isolating the island in the international arena. Beijing is actively working to increase its political leverage and shape the agenda of international politics giving South-South cooperation a strategic dimension well beyond mutual development. This fits South American objectives, namely the ones of Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela, that aim at diversifying international partnerships and perceive China as an alternative to the traditional orientation towards Latin America, the US and Europe. Positioning itself as a stakeholder, China creates the basis for an alternative international order using persuasion. The Chinese soft power in South America may be a drop of water in a much broader strategy.     

论东盟的内部关系——东盟区域一体化的发展及主要成员国间的关系

2007年是东盟成立40周年,对于一个人而言,40岁是“不惑之年”,对于一个国际组织来说,走过40年的风风雨雨,也不是一件容易的事情。在这40年里,东盟克服种种困难,经受了许多考验,发展成为一个包括本区域所有成员的、受到尊重的、有广泛影响力的国际组织,她与世界上所有的有影响力的大国都建立了对话伙伴关系,她在地区和国际事务中正在扮演越来越重要的角色。     

The structural sources of postcommunist regime trajectories

Regime trajectories in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union (FSU) have diverged considerably since the collapse of communism. We argue that this variation is the product of two largely structural factors: the salience of anti-Soviet nationalism and the opportunity for membership in the European Union (EU) that was mostly the product of geography. In Eastern Europe and the Baltic states, anti-Soviet nationalism and the stimulus of EU democratic conditionality contributed to the rise of a non-communist elite that confronted serious internal and external pressure to democratize. By contrast, weaker anti-Soviet nationalism and dearth of pressure from the EU allowed for the persistence of communist elites who faced relatively weak external constraints on autocratic behavior. We argue that these structural factors played a more important role in accounting for variation in democratization across the postcommunist world than factors such as institutional design. At the same time, the different character of structural forces in Eastern Europe and the FSU has likely created greater room for voluntarist factors in determining regime variation within the former Soviet Union than within Eastern Europe.     

Who,Why and How: Assessing the Legitimacy of Secession

Since the breakdown of bipolarity, the international community had to cope with independence movements spreading in Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. Given the peculiar coercive character of the Soviet and Yugoslav Federations and the Soviet Union's hegemonial rule in Central Europe, the wish for independent statehood can be understood as a sum of single secessionist movements. This article investigates secession as a moral problem of public international law; it also attempts to define normative criteria for the assessment of secessionist legitimacy. What conditions are required for a legitimate secession? On what political, social or historical characteristics should a legitimate secession be based in order to obtain international recognition? The analysis is carried out on three levels: legitimacy of the actors (Who), legitimacy of the secessionist argument (Why) and procedural legiti‐macy (How). The analysis is illustrated by three examples of recent se‐cessionist movements: Slovakia, FYR Macedonia and Chechnya.