老曹酷评

崔永元:法国:吃转基因玉米实验鼠长满肿瘤。老曹:转基因食品的利弊,可能要好几代人才能得出结论。但起码要告诉公众哪些东西涉及转基因,让消费者能够选择。如果有人靠瞒天过海而赚钱,那就是犯罪。头条新闻:"我只做了两天老师,教师节和我其实没什么关系。"云南彝良角奎镇云洛小学的校长兼老师朱银全,在废墟中抽出学生们的书包拍打     

转基因值不值得恐惧?

不少公众将转基因研发和审批与政府工作不透明联系在一起,而一些政府部门相对滞后的反应,也成为口实。转基因加速打开电脑,在搜索中输入"转基因"一词,各种担忧内容会跃然纸上。当今世界,恐怕再没有几个科技词汇,像转基因这样惹得公众如此议论纷纷了。然而,议论归议论,转基因的发展仍然势不可挡。据国际农业生物技术应用服务组织(ISAAA)测算,2011年,     

试析布什政府的毒品管制战略

“9·11”事件前 ,布什政府内部在毒品管制问题上的歧见使其在解决毒品问题上一直保持低调。“9·11”事件后 ,布什政府在毒品管制问题上迅速达成默契 ,并制订出指导未来毒品管制政策的《国家毒品管制战略》报告。毒品管制战略的调整相继完善的原因主要在于 :“9·11”事件后麻醉品恐怖主义的凸显、吸毒问题的回潮、“毒品战”战略无以为继 ,以及综合平衡的毒品管制政策可以较好地协调各方利益。     

冷战后美国出口管制政策的改革和调整

冷战后,美国的出口管制制度进行了一系列改革和调整:一方面加强国内制度建设,另一方面加强国际合作.这既是适应新的国际安全环境变化及维持美国军事技术优势的需要,也是适应美国国内各种利益集团要求的需要.上述改革和调整有利于维持美国军事技术优势,进一步增强以美国为首的西方政治军事联盟在世界事务中的影响力,使美国更好地应对恐怖主义威胁,但客观上也会加剧武器和技术扩散,造成美国安全困境,并可能进一步扩大美国贸易逆差,加剧其与有关国家的贸易争端.     

艾森豪威尔政府的对华禁运政策

艾森豪威尔政府时期,美国对华政策为全面遏制思想所主导,因此,在欧洲盟国废除“巴统”管制体系中的“中国差别”的情况下,美国依然单独坚持对华禁运政策。     

农业农村部办公厅关于印发2020年农业转基因生物监管工作方案的通知农办科[2020]1号

各省、自治区、直辖市农业农村(农牧)厅(局、委),新疆生产建设兵团农业农村局:为切实做好农业转基因生物安全监管工作,保障我国农业转基因生物研究与应用的健康发展,根据《种子法》《农业转基因生物安全管理条例》等法律法规,我部制定了《2020年农业转基因生物监管工作方案》,现予以印发,请认真抓好落实。     

美国防空识别区的设立、运行实践与基本逻辑

自1950年划设防空识别区以来，美国防空识别区制度多有调整，不少条款都曾历经重大修改。美国防空识别区范围虽有变化，但对本国陆地、领海及领海之外大面积区域一直皆有覆盖，且迄今仍覆盖他国无争议领空。美国防空识别区规则起初曾在是否适用所有航空器的问题上表述模糊，但1961～2003年一直明确仅适用民用航空器，2004年后再度模糊化为“所有航空器”,而相关实践和法律文件显示其并不适用外国军机。美国防空识别区规则从1961年修订起对“适用”情况严苛化，整体上已明确排除“仅穿越”情况的适用，并将“通过防空识别区”与“飞入、飞离或飞经美国”相联系的限定条件延续至今。美国防空识别区制度与其对“航行自由”的国际法解读相一致，即凭借其强大军力，主要是以“排除法”辨识“真正威胁”,力图在他国与本国领空之外实现“攻守兼备”。     

农业农村部办公厅关于印发《2021年农业转基因生物监管工作方案》的通知(农办科〔2021〕4号)

各省、自治区、直辖市农业农村(农牧)厅(局、委),新疆生产建设兵团农业农村局:为贯彻中央经济工作会议关于“尊重科学、严格监管,有序推进生物育种产业化应用”的决策部署,根据《生物安全法》《种子法》《农业转基因生物安全管理条例》等法律法规。     

美国世纪大旱的蝴蝶效应

美国或许能幸免这场大旱危机,他们的餐桌依赖加工食品,而且他们在食品花费上只占13%。但发展中国家就没那么走运,美国农产品减产会直接导致海外农产品价格高企。     

国际制度的“武器化”:解析美国对华经济战略的制度选择

国际制度的“武器化”缘于大国利用国际制度以实现本国私利的倾向。它是一国基于对制度收益的权衡，针对竞争对手所采取的一系列国际制度行动。美国为应对中国崛起实施的国际经济制度战略进一步彰显了国际制度“武器化”的趋势。自美国对华态度从“接触”转为“竞争”以来，奥巴马、特朗普与拜登三任美国政府在“竞赢中国”这一相同战略目标下选择了迥异的国际制度行动。这种差异缘于他们权衡个人选举利益和国家战略利益之后所形成的不同制度战略偏好，进而塑造了其能够实现自身目标诉求的有效方略。奥巴马在较小选举压力下能够着重追求战略利益，全力推动旨在“规锁”中国的TPP谈判；特朗普发动的对华“贸易战”是选举利益主导下以制度破坏方略对中国进行的直接打击；拜登试图在选举利益和战略目标之间保持平衡，从而创新国际制度，利用制度组伴方略推出IPEF这一区域合作架构，在最大程度上保全自己选举利益的同时选用新型“制度武器”助力同中国的战略竞争。     

Reading the Trump Administration’s China Policy

The policy toward China under the Trump Administration is a rare combination of the toughest part of that of the Democratic Party, which is trade, and of the Republican Party, which is national security. The National Security Strategy by the Trump Administration defined China and Russia as competitors. It is the first time for the US Government to be harsh against both China and Russia (the Soviet Union included) since the late 1960s. Though trade is by far the most salient aspect of President Trump’s confrontational China policy, it is in fact a whole-of-the-government approach or pushback that the US government is taking with China, which means that not just the White House but various Departments and the Congress are tough with China, dealing with many issues from trade to human rights to national security. The President might actually be the softest link, almost exclusively focusing on trade. This might be a historic turnaround in US policy toward China.     

“舌尖上的教育”是如何成为国策的——对日本政府在“食育”形成中角色的综论

日本是目前世界上食育体系最为完善的国家,研究这一体系,特别是关注其中的政府角色,对在中国推广该机制,具有重要意义。文章以日本为研究国别,在描述食育基本内容的基础上,论述了不同历史阶段食育的特征与消长,尤其是政府对推进食育计划的积极作用,最后重点关注了发挥管理保障功能的日本政府有关食育计划的组织架构。     

Of diet and profit: on the question of subsistence crises in nineteenth-century Iran

This article enquires into the socioeconomic causes of recurrent food scarcity in the nineteenth-century Middle East. Focusing on Iran as a case study, the paper shows that certain categories involved in the production and distribution of grain engaged in profiteering schemes and thereby contributed to the making of food shortage in urban settings. The most important of these groups were the government officials, the landed classes, and the grain merchants. The local bakers were also involved, but they did not have as decisive a role as the other groups. In showing how these categories engaged in market manipulation, the paper contends that food scarcity cannot be explained without a proper understanding of the commercialization of grain and the economic integration of the Middle East in the nineteenth century.     

国际秩序与中美战略竞争

当今国际格局的最显著变化,就是新兴市场国家和发展中国家的群体性崛起以及中国与世界主要国家间力量对比的变化。就中美当前的实力地位和国际影响力而言,中美战略竞争中短期内还难以决定性地改变当前的国际秩序。中国即便对美国的贸易霸凌主义和在亚太地区的霸权主义军事及安全行动采取斗争的回应方式,也并不意味着两国无法合作、或中美关系已进入国际秩序变革的主导权之争。中美战略竞争的同时,经贸往来和必要的合作仍会发展。中美战略竞争会影响权力、观念和行为方式的调整变化,其走势将在相当程度上影响国际秩序的稳定和变革。但未来国际秩序的变革并非只取决于中美,世界主要国家间的互动关系和战略选择,将决定性地影响中美战略竞争的走势和未来国际秩序的演变进程。     

特朗普政府的极限“台湾牌”:表现、意图与影响

特朗普政府上台以来,打破中美多年来的外交惯例,频频出台公然背离一个中国政策的法案,有悖一个中国政策的动作不断,将"台湾牌"打至极限。特朗普政府"以台遏华"的战略企图十分明显,借此争取在与中国的博弈中占据主导地位,为中国稳步推进国家发展制造麻烦。此举会形成强大的反噬力,不仅无法干扰中国实现国家统一和民族复兴的既定目标,相反只会加剧台海紧张局势,并可能导致两岸冲突,使台湾面临巨大的经济损失和两岸局势失控的双重风险。美国也将陷入进退两难的尴尬处境,既有悖于其国家利益和全球战略,不符合打"台湾牌"初衷,也可能助力其他次级大国趁机崛起,对美国的霸主地位形成挑战,使美国谋求自身利益最大化意图更加难以实现。     

Barking Mad? Risk Regulation and the Control of Dangerous Dogs in Germany

The 'focusing event' of a deadly attack on a six-year-old boy by two dangerous dogs provided not only one of the most debated policy issues in Germany in 2000, but also led to regulatory responses by most Länder governments. By assessing the different responses and the selection of regulatory instruments, it is questioned whether the diversity and speed of responses reflected 'barking mad' regulation as predicted by critical commentators of risk regulation. The conclusion argues that the responses reflected incentives existing within the system of German federalism which led to the diversity of responses and regulatory competition 'to the top'.     

Finanzplatz deutschland: National or European response to internationalisation?

Germany's has long been held up as a competitive, bank‐based financial system, providing long‐term and secure finance for industrial and service companies. The emphasis here is on the international market and regulatory conditions which have helped to transform the the financial system. In the 1980s, the government remained averse to any ‘Big Bang’ experiment, adapting national securities markets to policy initiatives in the US, and in London and Paris. This aversion was rooted in Bundesbank opposition to the development of money markets, and to the practice of corporate‐bank‐insurance cross‐shareholding among Germany's big publicly listed corporations. The politics of ‘Finanzplatz Deutschland’ achieved a balance between maintaining national institutions and adapting them carefully to international markets and regulation. Implementing monetary union and the European financial area in the 1990s and beyond amounts in effect to a ‘Big Bang ‘ policy which is already under way. The prospect of a liquid ‘Euro'‐market for securities, and increasingly competitive banking and insurance markets, spells a shift in German corporate policies towards Anglo‐American practices. National cross‐shareholding corporate structures will not long survive a single currency.     

MANAGING THE RISE OF CHINA(REVIEW ARTICLE)

A survey of a number of books about how the overall international system will need to be modified so as to cope with the rise of China. Clearly the single most important relationship will be that between the US and China. The present structure of that bilateral relationship is inadequate for future needs.     

Should South Korea go Nuclear?

A nuclear debate has arisen in South Korea following North Korea's nuclear tests and weapons program. Despite the US extended nuclear deterrence for its security, a sizable section of the people in South Korea have started debating if their country can revisit the nuclear option as a deterrent to North Korea's continued threats. Several law makers have started articulating such a view. Several opinion polls held recently also endorse such a view. However, the US is unlikely to allow South Korea to take the nuclear path as it would have serious consequences not only for the region but also the world. China would also not rejoice with the prospect of having another nuclear power in its neighborhood. If South Korea goes nuclear, Japan and Taiwan will find it difficult to resist having their own nuclear weapons. To stem such a trend, it becomes all the more necessary for the international community to address the issue of denuclearizing North Korea. The suspended Six-Party-Talks ought to restart soon and China has a great role in reigning in Pyongyang. Fortunately, the government in South Korea has not supported the view of the country going nuclear. But if the security situation deteriorates further, it might become irresistible for the government to have a rethink, with an inevitable domino effect in Japan and Taiwan soon.

This article makes an in-depth study of the prevailing trend in South Korea, the views of some influential law makers pleading for the country to go nuclear, various public opinions polls, possible US stance and implications that such a change in policy would have on the region's security situation and the author's assessment based on the critical examination of the above-mentioned factors. Many sources have been cited to analyze this issue before arriving at an objective assessment of the point raised in this essay.     

软法与硬法的冲突和对抗:重塑国际贸易体制的新路径选择

作为治理国际贸易问题的两种不同属性的规则系统,软法与硬法之间有时候以相互补充和相互协调的关系出现;然而,冲突与对抗也是二者关系的表现形态。在利用软法以软化、修正和改变硬法,进而影响或塑造新的国际贸易利益分配制度框架方面,发达国家和发展中国家均有过成功的实践。当前,国际经济结构正在经历变革,作为负责任的发展中大国,中国可以且应当善用软法,积极有效地参与国际贸易体制的调整与重塑,使国家经济利益在以WTO为中心的国际贸易体制中得到应有和恰当的表达。