CCP ELITE PERCEPTION OF THE US SINCE THE EARLY 1990S: WANG HUNING AND ZHENG BIJIAN AS TEST CASES

This article juxtaposes two of the most influential yet under-studied America watchers within the top echelon of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Wang Huning and Zheng Bijian. To be sure, the two have indelibly shaped CCP attitudes, yet surprisingly enough, although Zheng has been written about extensively in the English language, Wang has hitherto largely remained outside academics’ purview. This article also aims, in passing, to explore linkages between Wang and Zheng ideas and those of other well- known America watchers like Liu Mingfu and Yan Xuetong. The comparison offers clues as to the extent to which the current advisory shaping CCP thinking on the US differs from the previous generation, and as to whether CCP thinking is un-American or anti-American in essence. The conclusions ties the study together by arguing, based on Wang and Zheng's views, that New Confucianism may shape Chinese society in the future     

The death of ‘Socialism with a Latvian Face’: The purge of the Latvian national communists,July 1959–1962

The purge of the Latvian national communists was the most extensive of the Khrushchev era. This article offers the first comprehensive examination of the purge, based on research in Russian and Latvian archives, and utilizing recently released Communist Party personal files. Previous works rarely proceed beyond the beginning of the purge in July 1959 or provide only a cursory overview. This article, however, identifies patterns in the purge with a comprehensive analysis. The methodology of Arvīds Pel?e, the purge’s architect, is explored, exposing the purge’s six distinct phases, which ousted the national communists and defined Latvian politics for a quarter-century.     

新时代中国共产党跳出历史周期率的成功之路——学习习近平总书记关于全面从严治党的重要论述

历史周期率是黄炎培基于家、国、团体兴衰现象向毛泽东提出的历史问题。就中国共产党来说,历史周期率与两个阶级、两条道路、两种社会制度的斗争联系在一起。中国共产党长期执政的地位和使命与跳出历史周期率合二为一。以毛泽东为核心的中国共产党对跳出历史周期率开辟出航道。跳出历史周期率、实现长期执政,是新时代中国共产党接续探索的课题。从根本上说,跳出历史周期率问题伴随统筹推进“四个伟大”的历史进程。全面从严治党是新时代党跳出历史周期率的战略举措和成功实践。以自我革命精神推进党的建设伟大工程,永葆党的先进性和纯洁性,把党锻炼成坚强的马克思主义政党,是破解历史周期率的治本之策。     

一劳永逸净化俄罗斯——1922年俄共(布)驱逐知识分子运动

1922年,俄共(布)经过精心准备,发起了一场驱逐旧知识分子的运动.这场运动是布尔什维克党镇压反对派行动的必然延续,是苏维埃意识形态建设的组成部分,对布尔什维克党与知识分子正常关系的建立产生巨大的消极影响.驱逐运动以人文和社会科学学者为主要打击对象,70余名俄罗斯传统思想和文化的优秀代表被迫离开祖国,而俄共(布)期望的知识分子无产阶级化并没有出现.政治上的不信任和长期的意识形态钳制,制造了苏联特有的"夜间人"现象.     

THE POWERS OF XI JINPING

Since becoming head of the Communist Party in China in late 2012, Xi Jinping has accrued an impressive raft of titles. He has been compared to the founder of the regime, Mao Zedong, and is seen by some as sitting at the centre of a network of different power sources. But is power as personalised as this model makes out in contemporary China, with all its complexity and diversity? And can one person really rule the continental sized country in this paternalistic way? This article argues that Xi's powers are intrinsically linked with the organisation that he leads and which his power is sourced in – the Party itself. Far from him being the emperor of modern China, it is the Communist Party which acts as the all-seeing, all-powerful ruler. In this model, Xi is its servant, not its master.     

越南未来五年政治经济发展走向预测——基于对越共“十一大”制订的发展目标之分析

2011年年初,越南共产党召开了具有划时代意义的第十一届全国代表大会,大会通过了《2011—2015五年的方向和任务》、《2011—2020年经济社会发展战略》等文件,制订了未来五年具体的经济奋斗目标。本文以本次会议为契机,以会议所通过的一系列决议为基础,以现行经济政策为参照系,全面分析在未来五年中越南政治经济改革走向以及将因此而面临的种种机遇与挑战。     

越南共产党反腐败措施述要

近年来,越共为遏制党内贪污腐败现象的进一步蔓延,采取了一系列反腐措施:开展党的建设和整顿运动,从思想和组织上筑起防腐拒变的长城;加强廉政法制建设,依法治腐;建章立制,从制度上防腐治腐;建立健全监督制约机制,在机制上防腐杜腐;重点突破大案要案,强化反腐肃贪的威慑作用;全党上下一致行动,增强反腐斗争的合力.     

从勃列日涅夫的"干部锻炼" 到戈尔巴乔夫的"迭次更换"——苏联1985-1989年间罗名制的动荡不稳

苏共中央总书记戈尔巴乔夫于 1985-1990 年间,进行了苏共领导层干部的选拔和任命方面的改革.通过研究苏联以及地区(以俄联邦 7 个主体为例)领导层,旨在回答一系列具有现实意义的政治学问题.戈尔巴乔夫用哪些方法形成了党内的职位等级制度?其"精英工程"的意义何在?其干部政策的动员和革新意向之间有何种相互关系?戈尔巴乔夫的干部政策实为"干部的迭次更换"和党内选举的一种结合.这两种实施干部政策的制度使得苏共急速瓦解,是苏联行政管理去党化的第一次浪潮.     

A Convergence of Political Interests: Isi Leibler,the Communist Party of Australia and Soviet Anti‐Semitism, 1964‐66

During the period from 1964 to 1966, the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) moved from a position of denying the existence of anti‐Semitism in the Soviet Union to voicing open public criticisms of Soviet policies towards its Jewish minority. These criticisms were unprecedented for an official Communist Party, and had considerable influence on the international communist movement. This paper explores the negotiations between Jewish community leader Isi Leibler and the CPA which induced these criticisms. It is argued that Leibler negotiated with the CPA on two fronts: official dialogue with the elected Sydney‐based CPA leadership, and unofficial private discussions — which can arguably be termed secret collusion — with other senior CPA officials in Melbourne. These unofficial discussions seem to have been crucial in shifting the CPA from its traditional position.     

Understanding the survival of post-Communist corruption in contemporary Russia: the influence of historical legacies

Corruption is widespread throughout the former Communist states, and it is particularly severe and entrenched in Russia. Despite the fact that Russia's contemporary corruption has recently become a subject of analysis, there is, however, no study that has addressed the role of the Communist legacy in the development of various aspects of corruption. This paper contributes to the debates through, first, disentangling the complex phenomenon that is corruption, and focusing on its three aspects: supply, demand, and the attitude of the population. Second, the paper also contributes to the literature on modern corruption by explicitly focusing on the role of the historical legacy in these different aspects of corruption. The study is based on several rich data-sets on corruption and on an original data-set compiled to measure the percentage share of Communists in various regions of Russia in the last decades of the USSR (1970s–1980s). The analysis presented in the paper uncovers different roles of the Communist legacies across the development of various aspects of corruption. By doing so, the paper contributes to the literature on historical legacies in general, on Communist legacies in particular, as well as to the broader literature on the causes of corruption in transitional societies.     

Stamped out!: Carto-philatelic evidence of the PRC’s constructed notion of China’s territorial integrity

Carto-philatelic imagery illustrates that the “mental map” of China underlying territorial policies of the People's Republic of China is constructed, contingent, and impermanent. Although it has claimed Taiwan by asserting primordial sovereignty, declaring the island to have been part of China “since ancient times,” the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not always viewed the island as part of China. Although it recognized the independence of Mongolia in 1950, before it came to power as the government of the state the CCP envisioned Mongolia as part of China. Postage stamps issued in territories governed by the CCP before 1949 juxtaposed to stamps issued by the Republic of China government affirm what documents suggest: that China's boundaries have not been immutable and have been highly contested by Chinese political elite. This should prompt readers to view with skepticism categorical claims about China's sovereignty and “territorial integrity.”     

History and hero-making: patriotic narratives and the Sovietization of Kazakh front-line propaganda, 1941–1945

This article analyses Soviet agitprop that was produced for Kazakhstani soldiers during the Great Patriotic War. The author argues that one of the main goals of this propaganda was to cultivate a complementary Soviet-Kazakh identity. Conditions at the front made this difficult to accomplish, but Soviet propagandists persisted in tailoring their propaganda for the benefit of Kazakh soldiers. As the war progressed, Kazakh front-line propaganda acquired a more unambiguously Soviet orientation, a consequence of the elimination of key themes derived from Kazakh national history and considered too politically volatile by the Communist Party. The article concludes by suggesting that the narratives articulated during World War II by Soviet propagandists went a long ways towards setting the contours of a prescribed Soviet-Kazakh identity.     

“a carefully weighed plan with adequate safeguards for us”: Economic Policy and the Coordination of Australian-US Approaches to Japanese Aggression, 1939-41

The historical narrative of Australia's foreign and defence policy-making during the Pacific War tends to foreground the years 1941–42, characterising them as the turning point when the government realised that Britain alone could no longer protect Australia's regional security interests and turned to the United States of America for its salvation. This article makes a contribution to the alternative view, arguing that Australia was looking to the US well before Prime Minister John Curtin's famous “looks to America” proclamation. It does so with a focus on Australia's thinking and policy towards the engagement of the US in the years 1939-41, arguing that the coordination of its economic policy with the US, rather than seeking insight into high-level strategic planning, offered the nation the greatest opportunity to tie its security interests in the Asia-Pacific region with those of the US. In exploring the role of economic policy in Australia's preparation for war, this article offers new insight into the maturation of Australia's foreign policy apparatus.     

China: A function of the Japan‐US alliance

China's greatest future strategic concern is the Japan‐US alliance. Hisahiko Okazaki argues that a strong alliance limits China's foreign policy options, and stresses the importance of Japan and the US working together to establish a foreign policy towards China that will promote peace in the region. Okazaki was born in Dalian, China, in 1930. He served in Japan's Foreign Ministry, holding such posts as minister to the United States, chief of the ministry's Information Analysis, Research and Planning Bureau, and was ambassador to Saudi Arabia and Thailand. This article is adapted from an article first published in August 1995 in The Daily Yomiuri and is printed with the permission of the author.     

从利益攸关方到战略再保证:霸权衰落下的中美关系

近五年来,美国对华政策定位经历了从利益攸关方、中美国、G2到战略再保证的转变,也成为当前国际关系领域研究的热门话题。这种转变与美国霸权衰落紧密相连,是美国为了延续霸权,希望中国继续融入其霸权体系的手段之一。面对复杂多变的国际局势,战略选择成为中国当前必须慎之又慎的问题。历史证明,与霸权国的对抗没有出路,因此中国只能选择合作。机制化的双边协调对话必然是今后中美关系保持良性发展的趋势,也是中国努力的方向,但也必须时刻警惕美国对华战略中的陷阱。     

Rebuilding the Nuclear Disarmament and Non-Proliferation Regime in the Post-US–India Deal World

The US–India deal on civil nuclear cooperation, in spite of the Indian non-proliferation commitment, has potential adverse impacts on global non-proliferation undermining the basic bargain behind the NPT. In order to overcome such adverse impacts the author proposes to move towards a “universal nuclear disarmament” under which every nuclear weapon holder will be asked to make contributions towards nuclear disarmament. The US, for example, will be asked to ratify CTBT, negotiate a successor to the START I Treaty and engage in strategic dialogues with Russia and China.

The author proposes to apply a proportionate reduction of nuclear warheads weighted according to the size of each arsenal. This way, while the US and Russia will be asked to drastically reduce their arsenals, the other holders will also be asked to start reducing their warheads even in a symbolic manner of by just a few bombs each.     

1929年10月红四军挺进东江行动新探

19 29年9月中共中央指示红四军挺进东江,在指导思想上是符合发展革命力量、创建和扩大红色区域要求的,是原则上的,不是具体的。红四军在挺进东江的具体过程中军事上失利,不能说是中共中央的指示不切合实际。虽然红四军挺进东江在军事上失利,但不能因此否定其作用。以历史发展的角度和更加宽广的视野来看,红四军挺进东江行动的作用表现在:推动了东江革命斗争的发展;扩大了党和红军的影响,促进了东江各级苏维埃政权的建立;帮助壮大了东江红军;密切了东江苏区与闽西、赣南苏区的关系,为此后中央苏区的发展与巩固起了重要作用;使红四军对本身存在的问题有了更深的认识,有利于此后古田会议的召开。红四军挺进东江行动,是得大于失的。     

中国共产党忧患意识的传承发展与现实启示

中国共产党是中国近代社会剧烈变革与历史进步的产物,是中国革命、建设和改革事业的领导核心。九十多年来,中国共产党之所以能够领导中国人民取得一个又一个伟大胜利,具有强烈的忧患意识是核心密码。忧患意识是中国共产党重要的精神品质,更是今后能否破解长期执政历史性难题的关键密钥。新中国成立前,中国共产党的忧患意识主要表现为忧民族危亡、忧人民解放、忧党的生存,而新中国成立后主要表现为忧患怎么为广大人民执好政、掌好权,怎样为人民谋幸福、为民族谋复兴。进入新时代,中国共产党必须把长期执政作为一种战略,始终坚持和发展中国特色社会主义不动摇,时刻准备进行具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争,牢牢紧扣民心这个最大的政治,推动全面从严治党向纵深发展,一以贯之增强忧患意识、防范风险挑战。     

Turkey's approach towards Israel in the 1950s: not merely following US policy

Within the context of Turkey's relationship with Israel, the 1950s are remembered largely as the decade when bilateral relations developed dramatically reflecting the US orientation of Adnan Menderes's foreign policy. On closer observation, however, one cannot fail to notice that there was more ebb than flow in Turkey's policy towards Israel which already assumed the double-faced profile (cold or reproachful in public/positive behind closed doors), which is usually associated with the next two decades. Drawing on substantial research in official US and British archives, this article explores the multiple considerations which informed the approach of the Menderes government towards Tel-Aviv. Crucially, it places the Turks’ approach within their broader Middle Eastern policy with the aim of showing that it was shaped not only by their relationship with their powerful ally, the United States, but also by the need to look after relations with neighbourly Arab regimes.     

从2018年地方选举看俄罗斯左翼政党发展态势

俄罗斯地方选举的结果往往能够反映出俄罗斯的政治社会形势、中央地方关系的变化情况以及精英的流动和发展状况,对国家杜马选举甚至俄罗斯总统选举都有一定的影响。2018年俄地方选举呈现出不同以往的特点,普京支持的“统一俄罗斯”党不仅失去多个地区的领导权,在地区立法机构的席位也大幅缩水。相比之下,俄罗斯联邦共产党则取得了不错的竞选成绩,在所有参选地区的得票率都有所提升,大幅提高了在地区立法机构中的席位占比。但是由于政治当局的打压、左翼政党内部的分裂和俄罗斯联邦共产党自身的发展局限,俄罗斯左翼政党在短期内依然无法与强大的政权党抗衡。不断进行理论创新、加强党的自身建设、联合其他左翼政党和爱国力量,才是俄罗斯左翼政党复兴的长远之计。