性别平等、自由与快乐模型

通过分析性别和快乐模型的关系指出:在持续时间相同的情况下,女性和男性体验到的快乐是没有性别差异的;产生快乐的条件是相同的,是没有性别差异的;虽然信息子代表的内容可以存在性别差异,但是信息子是没有性别差异的;虽然产生神经信号(动作电位)的器官可以存在性别差异,但是产生的神经信号(动作电位)是没有性别差异的;在完全理想的条件下,女性可以建立所有男性都可以建立的信息子,男性也可以建立所有女性都可以建立的信息子。最后指出:如果一个人想达到自由的心理状态,那么它就应该坚持性别平等原则;与没有坚持性别平等原则的社会性别文化相比,坚持性别平等原则的性别文化更有可能使我们达到自由的心理状态。     

性别视角下已婚者的阶层认同

基于2013年"中国综合社会调查"数据,本文检验了夫妻双方客观阶层地位对已婚女性和男性主观阶层认同的不同影响。研究发现:个体客观社会经济地位影响主观阶层认同的地位决定论适用于解释已婚男性的阶层认同,但并不适用解释已婚女性阶层认同的形成;多数已婚者的阶层认同呈现出"妻凭夫贵、夫靠自己"的性别差异,女性阶层认同的从属依附心理不仅是传统性别意识的表现,更是性别不平等的体现;已婚女性阶层认同借贷型较多,即配偶的客观阶层地位比本人的客观阶层地位更重要。已婚男性阶层认同则独立型较多,即本人的客观阶层地位比配偶的客观阶层地位更重要。由此可见,我国性别平等意识的推进依旧任重而道远。     

社会支持对中国农村人口社会安全感的影响研究——基于性别的视角

本文运用西安交通大学人口与发展研究所进行的"百村性别失衡与社会稳定调查"数据,基于性别视角分析社会支持对中国农村居民社会安全感的影响。研究发现,三种社会支持中,实际支持对中国农村居民的社会安全感影响作用显著,表现为个体的社会支持资源越丰富,获得的实际帮助越多时,个体的社会安全感越高。对比不同性别状况的农村居民发现:丰富的实际支持资源能够有效地提升男性的社会安全感,不同性别农村居民的社会支持对其社会安全感的影响机制存在显著差异。     

阅读中的性别偏好行为研究

性别差异在心理学各分支学科的研究中都是无法绕开的主题之一,本研究通过对大学生日常的阅读行为的考察,研究读者对不同性别的著作者的性别偏好.结果发现在阅读中,男女大学生均对作者表现出了明显的性别偏好,印男生更喜欢阅读男性作者的著作,女生更喜欢阅读女性作者的著作;但大学生的不同专业类别、不同性别角色不影响其在阅读中的性别偏好.     

社会性别平等视角下的女性入党积极分子思想状况调查--以陕西省省直机关工委党校入党积极分子培训班为样本

女性入党积极分子队伍的数量和质量是提高妇女参政人数和水平、反映和推进社会性别平等的一项重要指标。本文通过调查研究，对陕西省直属机关工委党校女性和男性入党积极分子思想素质差异进行对比，从社会性别视角分析了差异形成的深层原因是社会性别建构的结果，并提出了改变这一现状的相应对策。     

性别视角下已婚女性赴日打工家庭策略研究

近些年,日本成为中国国际海外劳工的重要输入地。在中国赴日劳工移民中,已婚女性是重要组成部分。本研究采用个案访谈法,从性别视角入手,探究已婚女性赴日打工这一家庭策略的产生逻辑。研究指出,两种微观机制推动已婚女性赴日劳工移民的产生:已婚女性与男性相似的家庭再生产责任;已婚女性较男性的打工优势。前者使女性赴日打工更多是一种"整体主义"的家庭决策,其目的是获取稀缺经济资源,缓解预期生活压力;后者则体现在两个方面:首先,输入地与输出地的性别工资差异,促使女性较男性赴日打工的经济收益更大;其次,一些家庭事务对男性角色的特定依赖以及女性角色作用被家庭支持网络的消解,则使男性赴日打工的隐性成本高于女性。     

大学生情感依托分类调查研究

情感依托就是人们情感所投注的事物。以情感依托为视角,研究烟台市在校大学生的整体生活状态,对烟台六所高校部分在校大学生进行调查走访,并对回收信息进行整合分析,本次调查发放问卷600份,有效问卷557份,有效率为92.8%。其结果显示:网络依赖程度的性别差异显著;就业压力的性别依赖不显著;就业压力的城乡差异不显著。     

高等教育对青年初婚的影响及性别差异

论文基于2010年第三期中国妇女社会地位调查数据,研究高等教育对中国青年初婚的影响及性别差异。结果发现接受过高等教育的青年更可能处于未婚状态;初婚年龄更晚。高等教育对青年结婚可能性的影响存在显著的性别差异;但其对青年初婚年龄的影响性别间并无显著不同。接受过高等教育不利于30岁以上青年女性进入婚姻,验证了本文提出的"混合婚配模式下的大龄女性婚姻挤压"假说,认为高等教育对中国青年女性结婚的可能性不仅产生直接影响,还通过婚姻市场和社会性别观念发挥间接作用。     

基于社会失范理论的妇女进村委会困境分析

默顿的社会失范理论为解读妇女进村委会困境,提供了一个有益的解释视角和分析框架。由于妇女在竞选村委会成员时面临更多的源自社会结构的障碍性因素,价值目标和制度手段的冲突问题较男性群体要突出得多,所以,以仪式主义和隐退主义为代表的失范行为在其个体适应类型中占据了主导地位。现有解决妇女进村委会困境的措施多为治标之策,其治本之道在于深层次的社会结构改革。     

青年人对自己人和外人信任的性别差异研究

在中国人的社会网络中存在以亲缘关系为纽带的"差序格局"。本文运用情景实验的方法,从信任程度和动态信任两个方面进行比较,探究青年人信任"自己人"和外人时是否存在性别差异。研究结果表明女性比男性更信任自己人且信任提升速度更快;男性比女性更信任外人且信任提升速度更快。     

变动型模糊限制语在使用上的性别差异应用研究——以《老友记》为例

性别差异是人类社会的一种自然现象,由于各自的生理结构、社会因素以及传统文化因素的影响导致女性语言与男性语言也有所区别。概括并分析了变动型模糊限制语在同组性别和不同性别的使用差异情况,同时也从社会文化因素讨论了导致差异的原因。其分析言语差异的目的在于能使人们更好地把握对语言的运用,从而促进跨性别交际的顺利进行。     

Women are more likely than men to blame structural factors for women's political under-representation: Evidence from 27 countries

Over time, gender and politics research has made progress in identifying those factors that result in low numbers of women in political institutions and in making evidence-informed suggestions about how to ameliorate them. These factors include discrimination in party recruitment processes, male-dominated political culture and broader gender inequalities in society. In contrast, little is known about public opinion regarding these drivers of women's political under-representation, especially whether to who or what women assign blame for the under-representation of women in politics differs from men. This article provides the first discussion and analysis of blame assignment for women's numeric under-representation in politics. In doing so, it outlines and operationalises a framework that distinguishes between meritocratic explanations of women's under-representation, whereby the blame for women not holding political office in greater numbers is assigned to women themselves, and structural explanations, whereby social forces external to women are seen to result in their numeric under-representation. Cross-national data from 27 European countries is used to show that women are significantly more likely than men to assign blame for women's numeric under-representation to structural factors. The hierarchical nature of the dataset is exploited using multilevel models and significant differences in levels of structural blame assignment between countries is found as well as between-country variation in the probability of women assigning blame to structural explanations for women's under-representation. Finally, the category of structural explanations is disaggregated in order to assess their relative prominence and to provide strong corroborative evidence that women predominantly assign blame for women's under-representation to political culture over other structural blame factors. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the study's findings for policy makers contemplating the pursuit of gender equality policies aimed at increasing women's political representation and makes suggestions for the direction of future research in this area.     

The Disappearance of a Gender Gap: Tolerance and Liberalism in Denmark from 1971 to 1990

Bad on data from Denmark, the paper examines the development of gender differences in political tolerance during the 1970s and 1980s. There was a large gender gap in tolerance at the beginning of the 1970s. which had totally disappeared by the end of the 1980s. The analysis shows that at the beginning of the 1970s. the gender gap is partly explained by differences in political involvement. Interpreted as a result of the different political socialization of men and women. However. part of the difference is unchanged by any control. and this "unexplained" difference is interpreted as the result of a specific female culture. Against this background, it is surprising that the gender difference in political tolerance has vanished only twenty years later. The paper argues that, during these twenty years. a cultural shift has taken place in Denmark. merging the female and male cultures. and eliminating the hitherto 'unexplained' gender difference.     

Testing the Politics of Presence: Women's Representation in the Swedish Riksdag

This article focuses on women's representation in the Swedish Riksdag. The theory of the politics of presence serves as a point of departure. The aim is to underpin empirically – or to test empirically – the assertion that female politicians, to a greater extent than male politicians, represent the interests of women. The concept of women's interests divides, on a theoretical level, into three components: the recognition of women as a social category; acknowledgement of the unequal balance of power between the sexes; and the occurrence of policies to increase the autonomy of female citizens. On the empirical level this corresponds to measurements indicating female versus male MPs' attitudes and behaviour in areas such as gender equality and social welfare policy. The data used are parliamentary survey studies from 1985, 1988, and 1994. The analysis controls for effects of politicians' gender when other factors – e.g. party affiliation, age, education, and parliamentary experience – are taken into account. The main result is that the theory of the politics of presence gains strong empirical support. What this study contributes is a significant measure of stability for the feminist critique of more established theories of representative democracy.     

Present but Not Accounted For? Gender Differences in Civic Resource Acquisition

We investigate the sources of an important form of social inequality: the social processes by which men and women acquire participatory resources in organizations. In particular, we investigate the extent to which men and women acquire civic skills and are targets for political recruitment within churches. Integrating theory about social interaction within an organizational structure, we hypothesize that the ways in which women gain politically relevant resources from the church are simply different from those of men. Three factors explain the institutional treatment of women in churches: (1) women's political contributions are devalued; (2) women respond to social cues more than men do; (3) women respond to political cues from clergy—especially female clergy—whereas men do not. Our findings of gender differences in civic resource acquisition provide a more nuanced treatment of the mobilization process and have broad implications for the relationship between political difference and participatory democracy .     

The changing politics of women: gender and political alignment in 11 nations

Abstract. Although there has been considerable research on the changing politics of women in advanced industrial societies, there has been little consistent, cross-national research to identify the sources of these changes. This paper uses closely comparable data collected in 11 countries in the early 1980s to examine gender differences in political alignments. The results show that in 10 of the 11 countries, women are more conservative than men, by differing degrees. The exception is Australia, where women are more leftwing than men. The sources of these gender differences are shown to be differential levels of workforce participation and religiosity between men and women. Once these and other factors are taken into account through multivariate analysis, women follow the Australian pattern and emerge as more leftwing than men in six of the 10 countries. In the remaining four countries, greater female conservatism is substantially reduced once these factors are taken into account. Various explanations to account for these patterns are discussed.     

Evolution,consciousness, and political thinking

Evolutionary theory is utilized to sketch the outline of a performance-based perspective of political thinking. It is argued that human consciousness evolved as an emergent and interactive mechanism for enabling the individual to cope strategically with environmental exigencies. Within the context of this evolutionary perspective, consciousness at the individual level is shown to develop in patterned yet flexible and individually variable ways as a result of the interaction of biological and environmental variables including, among the latter, those elements of the social environment like ideas, values, and intentions, as well as institutional patterns of conflict, affiliation, and authority, which are themselves products of coping strategies. Political thinking, it is suggested, is a strategic coping enterprise involving equilibration between the individual's own strivings and social demands for conformity in collective affairs.     

Decentralized enforcement in organizations: An experimental approach

Social enforcement, the decentralized action by organizational actors of monitoring, identifying, and reporting legal violations, is widely recognized as a key factor in ensuring good governance. This article reports on an experimental survey conducted in the US and Israel examining the behavior of individuals when confronting workplace unlawful conduct. The study provides novel insights into the relationships between state based, organization based, and employee based enforcement. It finds that the likelihood and the manner of reporting will vary depending on the type of illegality and are strongly correlated to perceptions of legitimacy, job security, and voice within the workplace. Comparing illegalities, employees prefer to report clear violations by rank and file employees rather than violations by managers. At the same time, external reporting to government or media entities is most likely when violations involve the organization as a whole or implicate top management. The study also finds cultural and gender differences in reporting patterns. Finally, the study provides support for the understanding that social norms are more predictive of social enforcement than expected organizational costs.     

Grass roots participation in the Nordic countries

Abstract. Despite the similarities between the Nordic countries with regard to social and political structures, major differences in grass roots participation are found. Participation is highest in Sweden and lowest in Finland, with Denmark, Norway and Iceland falling in between. There are also striking differences between the countries regarding the relationships between participation and factors as age, gender, education, social class and party choice. Two theories may help us to understand these differences. The first, mobilization theory, claims that grass root participation is used to mobilize new social groups. This theory is supported by evidence from Denmark, Norway and Iceland. During the 1970s and the 1980s all three countries experienced political mobilization of the well-educated, the new middle class and the women. The second theory, supplement theory, claims that grass root participation is nothing but an extension of the conventional modes of participation. This theory is supported in Sweden. The last section of the paper argues that differences between countries may be explained by differences in the strength of traditional political organizations.     

The Puzzle of Gender-equal Political Participation in Sweden: The Importance of Norms and Mobilization

Political participation is higher among men than women in most parts of the world. However, earlier research has shown that this does not hold true in Scandinavia, including Sweden, where gender differences are remarkably small. This article studies the causes of the Swedish situation. A conventional hypothesis is formulated based on research from other parts of the world. It assumes that gender-equal participation in Sweden can be explained by the lack of gender differences in certain political resource and motivational factors that are often analyzed. However, this hypothesis is not supported by the data, which instead indicates a female disadvantage with regard to both resources and motivation. Two alternative hypotheses are developed and shown as empirically viable. The first assumes that women more often adhere to norms that emphasize the importance of being politically active, which promotes their participation in politics. The second focuses on collective mobilization based on interests specific to women. In line with this hypothesis, only women are shown to be members of women's organizations and hold more radical opinions on issues related to gender equality and reproduction. These factors have a positive impact on women's participation, and together they explain a noticeable amount of the male advantage with regard to conventional explanatory factors. Therefore they are important contributory causes of gender-equal participation in Sweden, although other factors, not discussed here, also contribute. Quantitative methods are used in the analyses, and the study material is the 1997 Swedish Citizenship Survey.