卢武铉悲剧与韩国民主政治转型

韩国特殊的政治生态环境，决定了其民主转型中的政治形态结构和运作方式。卢武铉悲剧除个人因素外，背后还蕴含着深刻的政治制度和政治文化因素。韩国历届总统卸任后被治罪，这种政治报复基因的延续，不仅表现在民主政治体制的运作上，也成为韩国独特的政治文化，这与其民主体制的不健全、不完善具有很大相关性。韩国政治由权威主义转向民主主义过程中呈现出明显的自然长成特点，一方面它促进了政治转型平和稳妥地实现，另一方面也使其政治转型的内在品质存有根本缺陷。因此，随着韩国民主政治制度的不断成熟和完善，卢武铉式悲剧最终将不会重演。     

公民意识的生成及其对现代社会的意义

公民和公民意识是现代社会的产物,经历了漫长的历史发展过程,公民意识是市民社会与政治国家二元化进程中政治解放和人的解放的结果,是由臣民变成公民,臣民文化逐步走向公民文化在人的观念中的体现.在现代化的进程中,公民意识的生成对于民主体制的健全、法制的完善和宪法的实现都具有重要的理论意义和实践价值.     

以民主巩固的视角看韩国政治发展

通常,在完成由权威统治向民主政治的转型后,仍会有许多有待完成的任务、必须建立的条件、需要培养的习惯。而韩国在完成政治转型后,也面临着这样的问题。进入民主巩固期的韩国,既存在有利于民主巩固的因素,也存在不利于民主巩固的消极因素。但总体而言,韩国在民主政治的路上已经是越来越自信与成熟。     

东亚民主化过程比较分析——以日本、韩国和中国台湾为比较对象

日本、韩国的传统文化在很长的历史时期一直受儒家文化的影响,中国台湾的文化本身就是儒家文化,在民主转型过程中它们都面临政治文化的价值重构问题.它们的社会和经济发展激发了普通民众的民主政治诉求,推动了政治精英通过自上而下的途径建立自由民主制度的历史进程,并在政治现实中艰难地实践这一民主理想.     

论当代中国政治转型的逻辑与轨迹

政治转型是从传统的集权统治向现代民主体制的过渡,在一定程度上这也是一个政治现代化和政治民主化的过程。曲折、复杂而且独特的中国政治发展似乎正在展示一条新的政治转型的不同路径,其基本内涵就是在继承中求发展,在稳定中求改革,在坚持中求创新。从政治发展的内在逻辑和基本倾向看,中国与东亚其他国家和地区之间存在着很大的差异。中国并没有走东亚权威主义的发展道路,中国也没有真正建立东亚式的权威主义统治模式。中国走的是一条优化政府治理与发展渐进民主相结合、相协调、相平衡的政治发展道路。中国政治转型的成就与经验就从理论和实践两方面将超越东亚其他国家和地区的权威主义政治发展模式和前苏联的激进政治改革模式,开创发展中国家政治转型的新范式,并对世界其他众多国家的政治稳定和政治发展提供有益的借鉴。     

1987年以来韩国NGO与政府关系

本文以韩国1987年以来的政治民主化转型为背景,通过观察NGO与政府关系的变迁过程,探讨民主化进程中NGO的状况及其对政治民主化、国家与社会关系的塑造功能,以期为准确理解和把握韩国民主政治的转型与发展以及NGO的功能和价值提供新的解读视角和阐释空间。     

菲律宾民主转型的原因探析

在第三波民主化浪潮中，菲律宾是一个典型的较早实现民主转型的东南亚国家。威权政体合法性的丧失、教会的推动、军队的倒戈、美国的操纵以及参与型政治文化的形成这五个方面的原因的共同作用促使了菲律宾民主转型的实现。     

民主转型下的抗争政治

抗争政治作为人类社会发展的一种行为方式,它既是社会学的重要范畴,也是政治学的发展概念。抗争政治理论作为一种理论发展,它既发展了社会理论,也创新了政治发展理论尤其是民主转型理论。从政治发展的角度对抗争政治进行分析,并把其放入民主转型理论的范式转换中来思考抗争政治的含义、特点和过程,有利于深入地研究和解读民主转型下的抗争政治的相关问题,应该说,抗争政治提供了民主转型的新视角,虽然抗争本身不能直接带来民主转型,但它的出现对于改变人们的政治认同、培育积极的公民意识和构建公民社会,都会产生积极的效果。抗争政治与民主转型的关联性在于：在民主国家,抗争政治是直接民主的价值体现;在威权国家,抗争政治是民主转型的催化剂;抗争政治的三种结果,即被镇压、制度化和民主转型的实现。     

韩国威权政体转型的动因分析

韩国的威权政体是对李朝专制主义的发展和扬弃,在威权政府的主导下,韩国走上了现代化的道路。然而,经济的发展促发了社会结构的分化,奠定了民主政治的社会基础;教育水平的提高孕育了民主政治文化,奠定了民主政治的文化和心理基础;威权政体本身内在价值缺失;其合法性日渐衰退;国际环境的变化也使威权政体丧失了外部支持。上世纪80年代末以来,韩国的威权政体开始向民主政治转型。     

政治权威与转型国家的“秩序困境”解厄

政治稳定是国家现代化的先决条件。动乱、暴力、冲突、政治失序问题必然严重影响国家的现代化进程。基于亨廷顿对处于现代化进程中国家的政治秩序的研究,结合当前许多发展中国家政治失序的实际状况考查,转型国家现代化的"秩序困境"是一种客观存在,而"权威实现秩序、权威解厄困境"是转型国家政治发展的现实逻辑。转型国家要保持政治稳定,需要构建合法有效的政府权威、高度制度化的政治制度权威、强大的执政党权威。稳定是中国最大的政治,保持政治稳定要坚持党的领导、维护党的权威。     

Long-term Changes in Danish Party Politics: The Rise and Importance of Issue Competition

In Denmark and Norway, major research programmes known as the 'power and democracy studies' have evaluated the functioning of the political systems and democracy in general, highlighting numerous changes in both Danish and Norwegian politics over recent decades. However, despite the broad range of studies that characterize both programmes, it is striking how little attention has been paid to changes in party politics and party competition. This article, which focuses on Danish politics, argues that attention to the development of party competition would have been warranted for two reasons. First, party competition has undergone a transformation from class to issue competition. Political parties increasingly focus their efforts on influencing the content of the political agenda rather than positioning themselves with regard to a limited number of issues deriving from their class bases. Second, this transformation arguably explains some of the findings of the power and democracy studies, especially concerning political decision making.     

South Korean Presidential Politics Turns Liberal: Transformative Change or Business as Usual?

The impeachment of President Park Gyeun‐hye on 10 March 2017 saw South Korean politics enter a period of crisis. Her removal from office, the result of an unprecedented mass movement of citizen protests, provided a springboard for the subsequent success of the liberal candidate, Moon Jae‐in, in the presidential election of 9 May 2017. This article suggests that political change in South Korea is only possible if actors move beyond the politics of personality, and tackle the structural reasons for the policy failures of recent times. Further, if democracy, a humane economic system and responsive political institutions are going to be developed and nourished, the country's ‘imperial presidency’ needs to be reformed. In particular, the current ‘winner‐takes‐all’ politics, with the presidency as the main locus of power, needs to be reformed in ways that promote a more balanced political system, increasing the influence of other actors and institutions.     

浅析中国市场经济发展过程中的政治民主化

市场经济的迅猛发展使我国的经济结构、社会生活、大众心态等发生了重大变化。经济的深刻转型客观上要求民主政治建设与市场经济发展同步。基于我国复杂的历史背景和发展现状,我国政治民主化在经历了长期、曲折的过程之后,必然会逐步探索出一种新型的、现代化的社会主义民主政治体制,从而完善我国社会主义民主政治。     

试论中国政治发展进程中的乡镇长选举制度改革

目前、四川、山西、广东深圳等地所进行的乡镇长选举制度改革尝试的实质是政治参与水平和层次的提高与扩大，符合中国民主政治发展的长远方向。但在当前这个转型的关键时期，将这种改革尝试向更大的范围和更高的更次推广的时机尚不成熟。对当前的政治发展与政治稳定而言，遏制腐败蔓延比发展政治民主更重要，提高政府能力比扩大政治参与更重要，发展党内民主比发展党外民主更重要。     

What is democratic reliability? Epistemic theories of democracy and the problem of reasonable disagreement

It has proven difficult to reconcile epistemic justifications of political authority, especially epistemic theories of democracy, with a basic liberal commitment to respecting reasonable value pluralism. The latter seems to imply that there can be no universally acceptable substantive outcome standard to evaluate the epistemic reliability of different political procedures. This paper shows that this objection rests on an implausible interpretation of political competence. In particular, the paper defends two claims: first, that epistemic theories of political authority are in fact compatible with a liberal commitment to respecting reasonable pluralism; but second, that if we take reasonable pluralism seriously, the standard of competence we should use is a pragmatic one. Good political decision procedures reliably fix practical problems of social coordination and adapt to new demands and developments; we need not demand that their decisions are all-things-considered just or optimal. This pragmatic account of political competence is compatible with reasonable pluralism, since on this basis we can comparatively evaluate political procedures without controversially asserting a single standard of ‘truth’ in politics. Hence, it is possible to give an epistemic account of political authority that works within a liberal theory of political justification.     

The failure of the participatory democracy in the Czech republic

Following the breakdown of the Soviet system, the new East European elites faced the problem of defining and building democratic institutions. This problem was not a purely institutional one, however. During the transformation process, different conceptions of democracy appear and often become critical issues for political competition. Based on the Czech case, this article aims to understand how and why one particular conception of democracy becomes dominant during a process of regime change. Personified by the two ‘Vaclavs’ in the Czech political arena (Havel and Klaus), divergent perspectives on democracy exist in the Czech Republic, having concrete consequences for the practice of politics. These conceptions (referred to here as ‘participatory’ and ‘majoritarian') dramatically differ in their perception of the role of the citizen in a liberal democracy. This article identifies and describes these two different conceptions of democracy in the present and past Czech Republic. It explores the sociological conditions of their emergence in order to understand the failure of the participatory model of democracy with respect to the alternative, majoritarian, vision of democracy.     

A Question of Time: Responsive and Responsible Democratic Politics

Since 2008, European crisis politics have thrown the importance of time in democracy into sharp relief. The need for rapid action by national authorities, the EU and international organisations conflicts with the time-consuming nature of democratic deliberation; short-term political firefighting has given little consideration to the long-term sustainability and time consistency of policies; and decentralised decisions threaten effective synchronisation within multi-level governance systems. This article suggests that democratic politics requires a balance between the temporal characteristics of responsive and responsible politics. The timeframe for responsive politics is shaped by electoral cycles that encourage speedy action; short-term lags between political choices and their effects; and temporal discretion of decision-makers. The timeframe for responsible politics is characterised by time-consuming procedures; solutions that take time to unfold and are sustainable in the longer term; and the purposive synchronisation amongst actors and across policy domains and levels of policy-making. The finely balanced temporal constitution of democracy has been challenged in two fundamental ways. First, as the ability of decision-makers to work within the time limits of their mandates and to respond to the temporal expectations of the electorate decreases, the temporal ties that ensure the responsiveness of political authority to the electorate weaken. Second, the distinct temporal qualities of majoritarian and non-majoritarian institutions that encourage responsibility are called into question. Consequently, political time in Europe runs the risk of becoming both less responsive and less responsible.     

Uninterested Youth? Young People's Attitudes towards Party Politics in Britain

Following the outcome of the 2001 and 2005 general elections, when the numbers of abstainers outweighed the numbers of Labour voters on both occasions, much attention has focused upon the state of British democracy and how to enthuse the electorate, especially young people. Whilst the government is exploring ways to make the whole process of voting easier, it may be failing to tackle the real problem – that youth appear to find the business of politics uninviting and irrelevant. This paper examines data derived from a nationwide survey of more than 700 young people in order to shed light on what lies at the heart of young people's apparent disengagement from formal politics in Britain – political apathy or a sense of political alienation. The findings reveal that they support the democratic process, but are sceptical of the way the British political system is organised and led and are turned off by politicians and the political parties. However, there is no uniform youth orientation to politics, and the data indicate that views differ according to social class, educational history and also gender. However both ethnicity and region of the country in which young people live seem to have little influence in structuring political attitudes and behaviour.     

Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Recognition

It is commonly supposed that deliberative democracy and the politics of recognition are natural allies, as both demand a more inclusive politics. It is argued here that this impression is misleading and that the politics of recognition harbours significant anti-deliberative tendencies. Deliberative politics requires a public sphere which is maximally inclusive of diverse beliefs and perspectives, including those which dissent from orthodox understandings of group indentities. By contrast, the politics of recognition typically seeks to insulate such identities from challenge, both from within and without. Devices such as special group representation, while apparently inclusive, risk incentivising an anti-deliberative culture of deference to identity claims. An alternative model of inclusive politics, which involves a more contestatory political culture and a multiplication of deliberative opportunities, is sketched.     

Same-Sex Marriage,Korean Christians,and the Challenge of Democratic Engagement

The contest over gay rights (e.g., same-sex marriage) dramatizes the clash between increasingly nonwhite (“majority-world”), religious conservatives and mostly white, progressives. It renews longstanding debate about the compatibility of religious conservatism and liberal, pluralistic democracy. A study of one influential group, Korean Christians, shows that the younger, western-educated generation generally combines religious conservatism and political liberalism; they are much more likely to espouse liberal-democratic principles and to participate in the larger, plural society than the older, immigrant generation. However, the polarizing politics of gay rights partly reverses the generational pattern: the historically insular, first generation participate more in mainstream politics, while some western-educated, second-generation Korean Christians become intolerant and isolated from elite-educated circles. Ideological minorities self-segregate themselves in the face of hostile, energized majorities, whether progressives in Korean Christian circles or conservatives in secular, educated ones. Public deliberation on same-sex marriage depends on whether it becomes viewed like the clear-cut issue of interracial marriage or the more ambiguous one of abortion.