国际贸易谈判的政治经济分析：一个初步的框架

加入WTO将给中国的改革开放进程带来深远的影响,也将会对中国的经济管理体制改革和政府管理体制改革带来巨大的挑战.对国际政治经济学有关贸易与国内政治的研究、国际贸易理论关于贸易政策之形成的研究、国际关系理论和博弈论关于国际谈判的研究进行了评述,并从国际政治经济学的角度提出分析国际贸易谈判的一个初步的分析框架.通过强调国内政治、策略行为和国际规则的重要性,并从公民政策偏好的形成、利益集团集体行动、两国贸易谈判之间的双层博弈、国际规则的制约因素等多方面讨论了如何分析贸易谈判.     

国际政治经济学视野下的贸易政策研究

国际政治经济学的研究方法要求超越国际与国内、经济与政治的界限来研究国际关系。国际贸易政策以政治因素为本位 ,具有内生性 ,多是各国国内政治经济因素综合作用的结果 ;利益的最大化和安全因素对一国贸易政策的形成有重要影响     

战略性贸易政策与美国产业国际竞争力的复兴与再造

战略性贸易政策在克林顿时代的兴盛 ,是由美国当时的国内经济现实、产业国际竞争力的国际比较及国际贸易的新格局等多种因素综合影响的结果 ,国际贸易理论的新发展为战略性贸易政策提供了理论支持与政策向导。 2 0世纪 90年代战略性贸易政策的实践 ,从客观意义上为美国产业国际竞争力的复兴与再造作出了贡献。     

从主动适应到积极运用--地方政府回应"入世"挑战的若干思考

我国加入WTO,旨在加快融入经济全球化的潮流,建立起比较完善的社会主义市场经济,将现代化建设事业推进到一个新的、更高的发展阶段.WTO兼有国际组织、国际条约、国际谈判场所以及协议执行(含争议解决)机构四大功能.WTO的法律框架是关于国际货物贸易、服务贸易以及与贸易有关的知识产权的多边法律规则.眼下,在一百多个国家和地区都按这一规则开展国际贸易的情况下,我国法律不在事实上向WTO的法律规则靠拢,就会被国际社会所排斥.     

WTO从主动适应到积极运用——地方政府回应“入世”挑战的若干思考

我 国加入ＷＴＯ ,旨在加快融入经济全球化的潮流 ,建立起比较完善的社会主义市场经济 ,将现代化建设事业推进到一个新的、更高的发展阶段。ＷＴＯ兼有国际组织、国际条约、国际谈判场所以及协议执行（含争议解决）机构四大功能。ＷＴＯ的法律框架是关于国际货物贸易、服务贸易以及与贸易有关的知识产权的多边法律规则。眼下 ,在一百多个国家和地区都按这一规则开展国际贸易的情况下 ,我国法律不在事实上向ＷＴＯ的法律规则靠拢 ,就会被国际社会所排斥。加入ＷＴＯ固然意味着我国要承担遵守ＷＴＯ规则的法律义务 ,但我国同样会从ＷＴＯ的多…     

美欧贸易争端与乌拉圭回合谈判

美欧代表于11月初在芝加哥举行的农产品贸易谈判破裂后,美国贸易谈判代表希尔斯5日宣布,如果欧共体在近期内不能提出令美国满意的新建议,从12月5日起,美国对从欧共体进口的价值3亿美元的白葡萄酒、麦麸和菜籽油等增收的关税,将从目前的不足5％提高到200％。美欧双方农产品贸易争端是通过谈判解决、还是最终展开贸易战,将关系到关贸总协定乌拉圭回合多边贸易谈判的成败,并将对世界经济和贸易的发展产生重大影响。有关各方正在频繁活动,国际社会密切关注着事态的发展。     

中国加入WTO对深圳经济和税收的影响

为保证我国对外开放政策的实施,进一步深化经济体制改革,促进对外贸易发展,抵制国际贸易维护主义,全面参与国际经济事务,我国自１９８６年７月份开始进行恢复关贸总协定（ＧＡＴＦ）席位长达１３年的漫长谈判（１９９５年１１月转为加入世界贸易组织（ＷＴＯ）谈判）。近期以来,多项谈判进展加快。一般来说,“入世”对该国（地区）的外向型经济的发展,特别是进出口贸易,以及国内市场经济体系的建立与完善,加剧出口竞争和加快市场多元化步伐等将产生较大影响。就产业部门的影响来说,主要包括：（１）生产资料和消费资料价格国内外…     

有关世界贸易组织的常用术语和缩略语

ＷＴＯ———世界贸易组织:成立于１９９５年１月１日,总部设在日内瓦,现有１３５名成员,为全球贸易谈判的论坛和贸易纠纷的仲裁机构,其前身为关贸总协定。ＧＡＴＴ———关贸总协定:最初它是一项关于全球贸易规则的协议,于１９４８年１月１日实施,以后一直持续到世界贸易组织成立,共存在４７年。ＧＡＴＳ———同关贸总协定地位相等、负责管理包括银行业、保险业和旅游业等在内的服务业贸易的机构。ＲＯＵＮＤ———轮:又称“回合”,即许多国家就自由贸易展开的多边谈判。在谈判中,每个国家都有自己的贸易目标。每轮谈判最终都会出台一个将…     

现代新型农业的发展趋向及政策选择

外向型农业、“新型化”农业和特色生态农业是我国现代新型农业的发展趋向。针对这一发展趋向,我国的农业政策应作出相应调整,包括从国内外市场分割的农业政策向国内、国际市场对接的农业政策转变,从传统的农产品国际贸易保护政策向符合WTO规则的新型农产品国际贸易保护政策转变,从主导、控制型的农业政策向管理、服务型的农业政策转变。与此同时,我们要制订和出台促进农业现代化的相应政策。     

发展中国家粮食主权的思考——以WTO农产品自由贸易规则为视角

上世纪90年代,在WTO首次将农产品贸易纳入国际自由贸易体系的大背景下,粮食主权这一概念首次被提出。2001年WTO多哈回合开启,旨在进一步推进国际贸易自由化,但进展并不顺利,每次会议都会招致发展中国家和不发达国家农民高喊"粮食主权"的口号而举行抗议与示威。因此非常有必要重新审视WTO农产品自由贸易规则对于发展中国家粮食主权所产生的影响。文章从粮食主权的含义与原则入手,阐述了WTO农产品自由贸易规则的内容,并分析其对发展中国家粮食主权实现带来的挑战,最后提出下一轮WTO农业谈判中对农产品自由贸易规则应作出必要的改革以更加有利于实现发展中国家的粮食主权。     

Domestic politics and the strategy of international trade

The policymaking problem in international trade is fundamentally strategic, since optimal national policy depends on what other nations choose to do. The game is not between unitary rational actors, however, but rather between players with considerable internal divisions about what policy should be. There is a rich domestic politics to international trade policymaking. Conventional wisdom holds that internal division is a liability in international interactions. This article demonstrates that if countries are divided internally between divergent interests, this will alter the outcome of strategic games between countries in, for example, setting tariffs. In particular, internal division can actually be helpful to a country, since a protectionist faction helps to make a protectionist threat more credible.     

Conflict in Trade Policy: The Role of the Congress and the Provinces in Negotiating and Implementing the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement

The provincial role in trade policy has until recently beenlimited, but the increasing impact of international trade negotiationson domestic policy issues has come into direct conflict withprovincial jurisdiction. At the same time, Congress has handedsome of its constitutional authority over trade matters to theexecutive branch through the granting of "fast track" negotiatingauthority. The paper argues that, as a result of these developments,the functional roles that Congress and the provinces playedin the negotiation of the FTA were not significantly differentin the two countries. However, in the implementation of thetrade agreement, roles again became clearly defined by constitutionaljurisdiction.     

新中国的对外开放历程:概述与思考

系统地考察1949年建国以后中国对外开放的三个阶段,并探讨了造成各个阶段不同特点的国际背景和国内根源。中国的对外开放,很大程度上受制于传统的影响和国内政治的状况,是一场深刻的革命。从部分开放到闭关自守再到开放,本身已经成为一种新的"传统",反过来对国内政治和传统文化施加着强大的影响。对外开放的范围和程度必须予以反思,以防止民族文化的危机。     

International Organization as a Seal of Approval: European Union Accession and Investor Risk

Much of the literature on international institutions argues that membership regularizes expectations about members' future behavior. Using the accession of the postcommunist countries as a test case, this article argues that the EU can send strong signals to financial markets about the trajectory of a particular country. Examining spreads on sovereign debt from 1990 to 2006, this article shows that closing negotiation chapters on domestic economic policy—in other words, receiving a seal of approval from Brussels that previously existing policy reform is acceptable to the wider EU—substantially decreases perceptions of default risk in those countries. That decrease operates independently from policy reform that the country has taken and is also distinct from selection processes (modeled here with new variables, including UNESCO World Heritage sites and domestic movie production, that proxy for cultural factors). Thus, this particular international organization has played an important role in coordinating market sentiment on members, conferring confidence that policy reform alone could not accomplish.     

Negotiating in stages: National positions and the reform of the Stability and Growth Pact

Abstract.  This article examines the politics of the 2005 reform of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). It distinguishes between two stages in the reform process. The first stage delimited the negotiation space – confining reform into an interpretation of the formal clauses that prescribe SGP functioning – and set the reform agenda. In the second, decision-making stage, Member States engaged in high politics bargaining, more sensitive to their short-term (fiscal deficit) and long-term (fiscal sustainability) macroeconomic conditions, attempting to upload country-specific 'expenditure exceptionalism'. The authors of this article find a crucial disjunction in some Member States between positions held across the two stages. Strategic considerations, comprising the broader constitutional/political game and the need to demonstrate national macroeconomic credibility, account for such discrepancy in the two negotiation stages.     

Blurring the International-Domestic Politics Distinction: Danish Representation at EC Negotiations

This article explores the extent to which Danish membership of the European communities has blurred the traditional distinction between international and domestic politics. Based on data concerning the pattern of representation of Danish ministries at EC negotiations, the article finds a strong decentralization of negotiation competences among ministries and a spread of negotiation responsibilities across hierarchical levels, types of organization, and types of civil servants. The conclusion is that this blurring tends to maximize the influence of domestic interests and that it accounts for much of the immobility of EC decision-making.     

Internationalization and Parliamentary Decision-making: The Case of Sweden 1970–1985

In this essay we discuss effects of growing interdependence and internationalization upon national political institutions. More exactly we address the question of how these processes are reflected in matters handled by the Standing Committees of the Swedish Parliament. Generally speaking, the proportion of international issues has increased continuously during the 1970s and the early 1980s. The internationalization of parliamentary work has mainly taken place outside the area of 'traditional' foreign policy. Even though internationalization is a general phenomenon in the Swedish parliament, the enhancement of international issues is particularly evident in subject areas linked to economic life in general, but issues concerning environmental policy, communications and energy policy also bear the stamp of internationalization. In spite of this internationalization of domestic politics the pattern of relations with actors on the international scene seems to be rather stable. The picture is dominated by international organizations in the Scandinavian region and Western Europe. Traditionally, the principle of consensus has governed Swedish security and defence policy. Our data support this notion. However, international issues outside the area of 'traditional' foreign policy do not bear the hallmark of consensus. The level of conflict is considerably higher and has risen, especially during the 1980s. Generally speaking, patterns of conflict in international issues do not deviate from those in 'pure' domestic policy. Thus, internationalization has also involved domestication regarding the level of conflict.     

Europeanization or Party Politics? Explaining Government Choice for Corporatist Concertation

This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.     

How Do Sectoral Interests Shape Distributive Politics? Evidence from Gasoline and Diesel Subsidy Reforms

Sectoral interests play an important role in distributive politics, but their influence is difficult to measure. We compare the effect of international oil prices on subsidies for domestic gasoline and diesel consumption. Because diesel is used by a smaller number of organized agricultural and transportation interests, they are more capable of collective action than the dispersed beneficiaries of gasoline subsidies. The conventional wisdom holds that sectoral interests could mobilize to stop reform (e.g., price increases, deregulation). Challenging this view, we consider the possibility that sectoral interests promote reform by facilitating the targeted allocation of compensation and exemptions. An empirical analysis of gasoline and diesel prices, 1991–2012, strongly supports the second hypothesis: diesel prices respond to international oil prices more strongly than do gasoline prices. Quantitative tests and case studies allow us to explore causal mechanisms, verify that the gasoline‐diesel difference is related to actual policy reforms, and reject alternative explanations.     

The Politics of Foreign Direct Investment into Developing Countries: Increasing FDI through International Trade Agreements?

The flow of foreign direct investment into developing countries varies greatly across countries and over time. The political factors that affect these flows are not well understood. Focusing on the relationship between trade and investment, we argue that international trade agreements—GATT/WTO and preferential trade agreements (PTAs)—provide mechanisms for making commitments to foreign investors about the treatment of their assets, thus reassuring investors and increasing investment. These international commitments are more credible than domestic policy choices, because reneging on them is more costly. Statistical analyses for 122 developing countries from 1970 to 2000 support this argument. Developing countries that belong to the WTO and participate in more PTAs experience greater FDI inflows than otherwise, controlling for many factors including domestic policy preferences and taking into account possible endogeneity. Joining international trade agreements allows developing countries to attract more FDI and thus increase economic growth.