论犯罪现场概貌摄影

犯罪现场摄影是犯罪现场勘验检查记录的重要组成部分,是研究案情的重要材料和诉讼的证据。犯罪现场的整体性要求犯罪现场摄影具备系统性,要全面完整地记录犯罪现场状况及痕迹物证状态。犯罪现场概貌摄影是记录现场全貌和内部各部分关系情况的专门摄影,属于从整体上对犯罪现场状况的记录,对反映证据链具有重要作用。对于特殊情况下犯罪现场概貌摄影的内容、构思、方法、编排等需要进行细致的研究。     

试论旅客列车犯罪现场环境

旅客列车犯罪现场对旅客列车环境具有依赖性。旅客列车犯罪现场具有反映犯罪痕迹物证及犯罪行为规律特点的功能 ,但犯罪现场的开放性和封闭性 ,使其必然要受到旅客列车环境的限制和影响。旅客列车环境对旅客列车犯罪现场的生存、演化起着重要的作用 ,既是认知犯罪现场的依据 ,也是认知犯罪现场的障碍。     

物证与犯罪现场重建

物证和犯罪现场重建结论,在刑事侦查活动中是两类不同的事物,但却是相互联系、相互作用的,它们都可以作为判定案情的依据。物证是犯罪现场重建的基础,犯罪现场重建使物证情景、情节化;物证是重建犯罪过程的“关节”;犯罪现场重建以犯罪分子的动态行为为链条,使静态的分散的间接物证成为有机的证据锁链。     

关于铁路犯罪现场勘查课程建设的调查与思考

铁路犯罪现场勘查课是铁路公安院校专业特色课程建设的重要内容之一。目前铁路公安实战 单位与犯罪现场勘查工作有关的情况,主要表现在以下几个方面:一是各铁路公安局、处技术力量不均衡,二 是犯罪现场勘查设备有了一定的更新,三是对犯罪信息的重视程度有了明显的提高,四是铁路犯罪现场状况 有了新的改变,五是铁路犯罪现场构成具有鲜明特色。加强铁路犯罪现场勘查课程的研究,在深入探讨铁路 犯罪现场的特定构成,为铁路公安实际勘查操作提供切实可行的程序、方法,建立铁路犯罪现场勘查的理论 体系,促进铁路刑事案件查破工作水平的提升等方面都具有非常重要的意义。     

犯罪现场勘查若干理论问题探析

犯罪现场勘查理论研究滞后 ,是影响当前刑事案件现场勘工作质量和效率的重要原因之一。本文着眼于目前学术界及公安机关在具体案件现场勘查中普遍存在的一些认识问题 ,对犯罪现场勘查的若干理论进行了探讨。     

再论犯罪现场的概念——兼与尤小文博士商榷

犯罪现场的概念有狭义和广义之分,狭义的犯罪现场概念是指发生犯罪行为的空间场所;广义的犯罪现场概念是指与犯罪行为有关的人、物、时、空存在及其内在联系的总和,其中,与犯罪有关的人、物、时、空要素是犯罪现场的四个维度,犯罪行为是联系各个犯罪要素的函数方程,犯罪现场的内在结构模型就是犯罪现场构成要素的立体图形.犯罪现场概念的研究应包括各种学科与层次的方法.犯罪现场学是专门研究犯罪现场的理论和知识体系的总和,是犯罪现场概念等理论发展到高级阶段的产物.犯罪现场概念与刑事侦查学理论体系有内在联系.犯罪现场的本质是犯罪活动的社会存在,其应用价值体现主要是解析犯罪线索和搜集犯罪证据.犯罪现场的概念是反映和联系犯罪存在和犯罪证据的桥梁.     

论铁路犯罪现场摄影

铁路刑事案件主要是指发生在铁路公安机关管辖的铁路站场、列车、线路空间范围内的各种犯罪。由于在案件构成上具有一定的特殊性，铁路犯罪现场摄影应该根据铁路犯罪现场的属性来系统地记录现场状况。认识铁路犯罪现场的重要性和特殊性，是搞好铁路犯罪现场摄影的内在要求。铁路犯罪现场摄影特殊性主要是在拍摄铁路犯罪现场照片过程中，如何结合铁路犯罪现场构成的特性以及铁路犯罪现场存在、处置的条件和专业要求等来做好现场摄影工作。铁路犯罪现场摄影应按照及时、全面、客观、细致的要求来完成。     

犯罪现场·信息意识

犯罪现场的核心内容是犯罪行为,从哲学的角度来看,犯罪行为是物质的,又是意识的.意识的内核是信息.犯罪现场勘查人员的意识就是第三者的意识.使犯罪现场重新运转起来的关键就是犯罪信息意识.而犯罪信息之间又是关联的,具有时限性的.无论如何,刑侦技术人员必须建立开阔的、灵活的犯罪现场信息意识.     

浅谈犯罪现场进出路线的判定

对犯罪分子进出现场路线问题的判定需要综合分析。本文结合勘查实践,从蜘蛛网、进出口大 小及进出口的转痕三个方面对犯罪现场进出路线的判定问题进行了探讨。     

浅谈犯罪心理痕迹的概念

近年来,刑事犯罪活动日益猖獗,对社会治安稳定带来很大威胁。但是,犯罪嫌疑人在犯罪现场中遗留的痕迹物证却越来越少,刑事侦查工作面临新的挑战。因此,突破传统的办案手法,探索一条新的侦查途径,是摆在刑事侦查工作者面前的一项重要任务。八十年代后期,犯罪心理痕迹分析法的提出,为我们从犯罪现场入手去分析犯罪行为,描述犯罪心理进而拓宽侦查线索和确定犯罪嫌疑人提供了一个新的视角和方法。许多学者进行了广泛而深入的研究和讨论,     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Science and Technology for Economic Growth. New Insights from when the Data Contradicts Desktop Models1

Science and technology policy initiatives in the early 1980s have focused in both the United States and Western Europe on improving capacity to apply a good science base in practice, expecting increases in technological advancement, improved market presence and enhanced economic growth. Results varied broadly in the United States and Europe. Even more puzzling, Japan charged ahead in technological advancement without that strong of a science base of its own. Some industrialized economies do not conform to the expected science–technology relationship, whereby strong performance in science shall lead to strong technological performance. The puzzling science–technology relationship in advanced countries has plausible explanations. (1) Science–technology relationship is much interdependent or symbiotic. Its strength and primary direction at a given time varies largely by field of science or technological innovation and across long periods of time. (2) Science–technology link in a country may depend on the overall scientific and technological level of development in that country. The strength and interdependent nature of this link evolves historically and varies across fields of science and technology. The strength of the link is affected by scientific and technological specialization in a country. Different technological fields have different scientific intensities, or degrees of building upon the science base. (3) Specialization of countries across scientific and technological fields varies. Hence, the strength of science–technology link differs between countries. High technological specialization of a country may impact its technological performance more than its immediately current scientific performance does. History, tradition and knowledge transfers may affect more returns on R&D expenditures than the actual value of R&D funds spent in science or technology. Explanations of puzzling behavior of science–technology link may become policy recommendations.     

Becoming Who We Are: Democracy and the Political Problem of Hope

Abstract

In this article I argue that hope is rightly numbered by Hesiod among the evils, as hope cannot be separated from an awareness of the inadequacy of one's current state. Political hope for democrats in particular is tied to the awareness that we have not yet realized ourselves, that, to paraphrase Pindar, we have not yet become who we are. I argue that, although Rorty comes close to articulating this in his book Achieving Our Country, his emphasis on pride ultimately obscures more than it reveals. I conclude that Thoreau's anguished reflection in Walden on the failures of his fellow citizens is a better place to look for instruction on the question of political hope.