同性恋的心理社会成因

随着同性恋研究的深入,其成因已越来越受到重视。本文试图综合前人研究的成果,从个体心理成长与社会文化方面探讨同性恋的形成原因。     

北京地区男同性恋社群状况调查

一、引言同性恋是一种独特的文化现象,是社会学研究的理想课题。说它“理想”是因为同性恋现象外延清晰,内涵独特。同性恋作为一种亚文化(subculture)现象有着它独特的游离于主流文化的特征;同性恋者作为一个亚文化群体具有独特的行为规范。因此,世界各国的社会学者都热衷于这个题目,对此作了大量研究。     

西方文学反传统的滥觞——从《莫洛伊》看贝克特的"反小说"形式实验

英国现代小说家贝克特的作品以反传统的"反小说"形式实验的开始,其大胆的表现手法令世人瞩目。他所刻画的不同的人物往往代表着不同的人格面具和心理层面,其作品特别关注的是小说的形式实验和小说艺术的发展趋向。     

毛泽东用典浅探

中国典故是中华民族文化的重要组成部分之一,是中华民族历史文化的瑰宝,蕴含着丰富的历史文化气息和深邃的民族色彩。毛泽东借助丰富多彩的中华文化及其自身的努力在用典方面独具一格,他的用典涵盖了诗文、楹联、书信等,用典方式有正用、反用、明用、暗用等,在用典方面达到了出神入化的地步,对语言学做出了巨大贡献,具有历史教育意义,启示着后人正确处理文化遗产。     

浅谈《聊斋志异·黄九郎》的“同”与不同

《黄九郎》为蒲松龄《聊斋志异》(以下简称《聊斋》)卷三中的第十一篇作品[1]131。近些年来，随着社会的进步发展与人们思想的渐渐开放，人们对这篇曾经被无意或故意忽略的故事渐渐产生好奇并加以关注。试图通过比较《黄九郎》与清代其他涉及同性恋的小说，以及与其他以人狐同性恋为题材的故事的不同，进而分析《黄九郎》一文的特别之处。     

北京地区男同性恋社群状况调查(续)

在同性恋形成原因上一个最困难也是争论最多的问题是:它究竟是先天的,还是后天的?我们的调查对象对这个问题的回答也莫衷一是。有的坚决认为是后天的,如那个被日本人引诱“入道”的人就一再强调:如果不碰上这个人教会他,他一辈子也不会走这条路;而另一位几次试图象戒烟一样戒掉同性恋倾向结果不能成功的人就偏向于先天论。主张后天论     

大学生同性恋取向及对同性恋认知态度调查

为了了解大学生同性恋取向及对同性恋的认知态度,选择常州市某高校大学生作为调查对象,用自编性健康调查问卷及心理卫生自评量表(SCL-90)进行调查。结果显示,大学生中同性恋取向占1.3%,超过50%的学生对同性恋持认同态度,躯体化症状、强迫症状等10个分量表得分同性恋倾向者明显高于异性恋者,差异有统计学意义(P<0.01)。表明大学生中存在同性恋现象,大学生对同性恋现象越来越持宽容与认同态度。     

同性恋的出柜与家本位的纠结

根据对深入访谈材料的分析,笔者认为,在不断高涨的个人主义思潮、急速扩延的私人交往空间以及独子家庭普遍化的相互作用下,中国男同性恋的身份公开与家本位意识形态发生的纠结反而变得更具张力。在一个对性少数人群排斥程度严重的社会,同性恋的身份公开与家本位意识形态的纠结折射出同性恋者和各自的家庭对社会歧视、社会边缘化、甚至有可能遭受迫害的极度恐惧。因而,中国同性恋社群仍然需要一个将性权利与公民权互相结合的政治化过程以及持续的反歧视努力。     

多彩看世界光影助锦州

<正>5月17日,由锦州世界园林博览会执委会和中国艺术摄影学会共同主办的"多彩看世界光影助锦州"2013锦州世园会杨元惺、朱宪民、肖作福,张立彦、高文秀5人摄影作品联展,在锦州世园会四大标志性建筑之一的海洋科学创意馆揭幕。5位摄影艺术大师的作品为锦州世园盛会锦上添花。原辽宁省政协主席、中国艺术摄影学会会员肖作福老有所学、老有所乐、老有所为,从事摄影创作十余年,创作作品几千幅。他承袭博大精深且绵延不绝的山水审美文化,移情于景、借景抒情,作品中透着浑厚、壮美和质朴,有着极强的生命力和感染力。     

校园同性恋群体社会心理与行为调查

同性恋,在中国长期以来被涂上一层神秘的色彩。因为与传统的社会习俗相悖,到今天,同性恋群体仍然是一个被边缘化的群体,不被主流社会所接纳。研究目前高校大学生的同性恋现状、成因、影响及对策,对建构全方位人文关怀型的高校校园文化具有重要意义。通过调查分析,我们发现了一些值得思考的问题,并对校园同性恋群体的心理和行为特征有了新的认识。作为学校,应该把校园同性恋问题毫不隐蔽地提出来,改变传统的对校园同性恋群体的避讳、歧视等态度,让大学生真正去理解、关注这个群体,为同性恋者创造良好的学习生活环境。     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Science and Technology for Economic Growth. New Insights from when the Data Contradicts Desktop Models1

Science and technology policy initiatives in the early 1980s have focused in both the United States and Western Europe on improving capacity to apply a good science base in practice, expecting increases in technological advancement, improved market presence and enhanced economic growth. Results varied broadly in the United States and Europe. Even more puzzling, Japan charged ahead in technological advancement without that strong of a science base of its own. Some industrialized economies do not conform to the expected science–technology relationship, whereby strong performance in science shall lead to strong technological performance. The puzzling science–technology relationship in advanced countries has plausible explanations. (1) Science–technology relationship is much interdependent or symbiotic. Its strength and primary direction at a given time varies largely by field of science or technological innovation and across long periods of time. (2) Science–technology link in a country may depend on the overall scientific and technological level of development in that country. The strength and interdependent nature of this link evolves historically and varies across fields of science and technology. The strength of the link is affected by scientific and technological specialization in a country. Different technological fields have different scientific intensities, or degrees of building upon the science base. (3) Specialization of countries across scientific and technological fields varies. Hence, the strength of science–technology link differs between countries. High technological specialization of a country may impact its technological performance more than its immediately current scientific performance does. History, tradition and knowledge transfers may affect more returns on R&D expenditures than the actual value of R&D funds spent in science or technology. Explanations of puzzling behavior of science–technology link may become policy recommendations.     

Becoming Who We Are: Democracy and the Political Problem of Hope

Abstract

In this article I argue that hope is rightly numbered by Hesiod among the evils, as hope cannot be separated from an awareness of the inadequacy of one's current state. Political hope for democrats in particular is tied to the awareness that we have not yet realized ourselves, that, to paraphrase Pindar, we have not yet become who we are. I argue that, although Rorty comes close to articulating this in his book Achieving Our Country, his emphasis on pride ultimately obscures more than it reveals. I conclude that Thoreau's anguished reflection in Walden on the failures of his fellow citizens is a better place to look for instruction on the question of political hope.