社会资本与政治稳定

<正>一、社会资本所蕴含的政治参与功能有利于维护政治稳定政治参与是指公民通过合法的途径和方式,对国家的政治构成、政治运作、政治决策、政治结果的关心,利益表达和施加影响的行为及过程。政治参与作为一种具有普遍性的公民政治行为,对整个国家政治生活和人民利益的实现都会产生一系列深刻和重要的影响。     

论公共政策执行中的公民政治参与

公共政策执行中的公民政治参与是社会主义国家民主政治的基本内涵 ,是公民享有参与管理国家和社会各项事务的权利体现 ,是公共政策执行民主化的必然要求。公共政策执行中的公民政治参与要求公民参与政策执行计划、沟通、监督、评估等基本过程之中 ,以人事行政参与、行政合同参与、社区自治参与和政务公开参与为实现途径 ,确保公共政策执行民主化的真正实现和公民政治参与的具体落实     

关于我国公民网络政治参与的分析思考

随着互联网的迅速发展,网络政治参与日益成为我国公民参与国家政治生活的重要方式。与传统政治参与相比,网络政治参与发生了巨大的变化。从网络政治参与的含义及特点出发,分析思考了我国公民网络政治参与过程中出现的问题,并为实现我国公民网络政治参与合法、有序、理性的进行提出了若干对策。     

非政府组织：扩大公民有序政治参与的重要途径

提高公民的组织化程度是扩大公民有序政治参与的重要途径,非政府组织是公民有序政治参与的重要渠道,既能增强民众的公民意识,使其自主和理性的参与政治,还可以通过关注弱势群体、监督权力的运行,降低公民政治参与的无序性。目前,我国非政府组织的发展还处于初级阶段,在政治参与过程中还存在着诸多问题。必须采取积极措施,发展和壮大非政府组织,以扩大公民有序政治参与。     

论公民监督与制度保障

公民监督的驱动力在于维护和实现公民利益及社会利益。我国公民的监督意识和监督能力还相对较弱。在现代国家,公民有效监督权力的实现在很大程度上取决于公民监督意识和监督机制。借鉴西方国家民主政治建设的经验,加强公民监督的制度建设,对于实现公民权利对政府权力的有效监督乃至于推进我国民主化进程有着十分重要的意义。     

扩大公民有序政治参与的双轨路径——基于中国改革开放以来实践经验的理论分析

学界对公民政治参与的研究,主要从政治权利和政治权力两个视角进行分析,为探寻如何扩大公民有序政治参与提供了富有启发性的理论思路。然而,这两种视角均有理论缺陷。基于对政治概念的理解及对西方实践经验的检讨,我们将整合前述两种视角并构建一种新的分析框架,即"双轨路径":一轨以政治参与作为政治权利为路径,另一轨以政治参与作为政治权力为路径,以此作为分析中国公民政治参与的理论起点。从改革开放以来的探索实践看,中国扩大公民有序政治参与的实践正沿着两条不同路径并行而进,形成了独特的双向轨迹:从满足公民政治权利着眼,呈现出依序扩展公民政治权利的顺序图;从提升公民政治权力来看,展现出稳步提升公民政治权力的阶梯图。相比精英主义模式、民粹主义模式以及自由主义模式,由顺序图和阶梯图构成的中国"双轨路径"方案更贴切中国的实际现实,对于实现扩大公民有序政治参与的战略目标具有重要的价值意义。     

制度体系视野下的民主政治

从制度体系看民主政治,是推进国家治理现代化、促进中国特色社会主义民主政治科学发展的一个重要视角,具有重要的方法论意义。民主是一套把各相关元素有机地组合在一起,体现“主权在民”或“人民当家作主”原则的制度体系。从制度体系的角度能够更加准确地把握中国民主政治建设的特殊性,也标示了进一步完善中国特色社会主义民主政治的根本方向。     

西方资本主义国家政治参与的历史沿革

从古希腊到英国近代资产阶级革命的这个时间跨度内,西方主要资本主义国家的政治参与实践在其民主政治发展的历史中具有非常清晰的脉络,通过归纳总结目前学者已有的对这些问题的看法,以另一视角分析西方公民政治参与实践过程中,对参与资格限制的内在逻辑的理解,以期理清这一历史线索,为我国的政治参与实践探索提供有益参考.     

论完善我国公民政策参与的意义及其路径选择

政策参与是公民通过合法的途径和方式直接或间接参与和影响公共政策 ,表达自身利益要求和意愿的一般公民政治行为及过程 ;是公民参与公共政策过程表达和实现自身利益的最直接、最有效而且最明显的政治参与形式。公民政策参与对于实现公共政策决策的科学化、民主化 ,保证公共政策公共利益方向以及维护政策体系合法性方面具有重要的作用。在社会转型期推进和完善公共政策参与必须从发展政策参与的物质基础、建立参与型政治文化以及政策参与制度化等三方面来加以推进。     

浅析政治参与对国家与公民社会关系的影响

政治参与是公民政治权利的重要表现形式,是影响政治发展的重要渠道。通过对国家与公民社会各自局限性的分析,可以发现过度干预社会的国家和失去国家控制的公民社会都会导致政治发展的失败。政治参与是国家与公民社会互动的连接点,在国家与公民社会的矛盾运动中,政治参与的作用在于调节二者的局限性,保证政治发展顺利进行。     

Red Lines and Compromises: Mapping Underlying Complexities of Brexit Preferences

The political discourse is characterised by two opposing ideals of hard and soft Brexit. In this article, we present evidence of attitudinal types that map neatly onto these archetypal views. The hard Brexit view is defined by issues that eurosceptics prioritise, most prominently sovereignty. By contrast, europhiles prioritise cooperation with Europe in terms of scientific collaboration and market access. However, attitudinal types are not either/or in the minds of the British public, and many prioritise all or none of the issues. Further, the two opposing positions together account for 37 per cent of the public's view. That is, just over one‐third differentiate between the salient issues in ways congruent with political ideals. National identity plays a particular role in the sociodemographic profiles of these attitude types. Older people have a strong stance in any direction (sovereignty, cooperation, or both), but national identity is linked to differentiated positions (sovereignty only or cooperation only).     

When US Scholars Speak of 'Sovereignty', What Do They Mean?

The term 'sovereignty' figures prominently in international affairs and academic analysis. But does 'sovereignty' mean the same thing in different countries and political cultures? In this article, we examine conceptions of sovereignty as they appear in the writings of US scholars of international law and those international relations scholars who deal with international law, in order to obtain a clearer picture of what 'sovereignty' means in American academic discourse. At first glance, the US literature is dominated by two distinct conceptions of sovereignty: (1) a statist conception that privileges the territorial integrity and political independence of governments regardless of their democratic or undemocratic character; (2) a popular conception that privileges the rights of peoples rather than governments, especially when widespread human rights violations are committed by a totalitarian regime. On closer examination, what seem to be two conceptions are in fact different manifestations of a single, uniquely American conception of sovereignty which elevates the United States above other countries and protects it against outside influences while concurrently maximising its ability to intervene overseas.     

Rousseau's Critique of Representative Sovereignty: Principled or Pragmatic?

In the Social Contract, Jean‐Jacques Rousseau advanced an impassioned critique of representative sovereignty, yet it is often thought that his objections were merely pragmatic and that he did not consider the question of representation to be a matter of basic political right. This article maintains, to the contrary, that Rousseau did have a principled argument against representative sovereignty and elucidates the nature and bearing of that argument by situating it in response to Hobbesian accounts of representation. Rousseau's argument is shown to have far‐reaching implications, as it entails that the existence of representative sovereignty contravenes two principles central to the legitimacy of modern democratic states: the sovereignty of the people and the moral equality of the citizens.     

Hunger strikes,detainee protest,and the relationality of political subjectivization

This paper attends to the relationships and spatialities through which immigration detention centers, though isolating and constraining spaces, are shaped by detainees. I approach the problematic of detainee resistance and agency through both Critical Citizenship Studies and feminist relational frameworks. I do so through a case study of one particular rupture – the 2014 hunger strikes at the Northwest Detention Center. My analysis of the 2014 hunger strikes at the NWDC directs me to conceptualize detainee activism as a process of political subjectivization, though one that is fraught with physical and political risk to both detainees and the order of sovereignty and citizenship. This process is undergirded by and productive of a series of interpersonal and political relations that mediate detainee actions and statements, and constitute them as a rupture in the order of sovereignty and citizenship.     

Strategic location and sovereignty: Modern micronesia in the historical context of American expansionism

Abstract

The historical and political geographies of strategic areas are commonly formulated in terms of those who define them as strategic. When the Micronesian islands are considered, the routes upon which they lie are emphasised and analyses are formulated in terms of seaborne empires or with reference to the colonial histories of the powers that have contested possession of the islands. This essay frames the matter of Micronesia's location in Micronesian terms—that is, from the perspective of the Micronesians who have long sought to reclaim sovereignty over their homeland—in addition to considering strategic theories and imperial expansion of specific regimes. Micronesians cannot move the islands out of their strategic location, but they have worked to recast their political status, reducing threats to their security. The paper emphasises the interaction between strategic location and political status: for small and/or weak territories, sovereignty is a resource to be cultivated and exploited, its value largely determined by location. Sovereignty in and of itself may be of little consequence, but its pursuit can be of immeasurable significance.     

民主民本民生理念辨析及理论构建

民主、民本、民生是不同的政治理念.民主是人民主权的权力本位,源于西方的社会历史基础;民本是与“君本”相对应的“以民为本”“为民作主”的政治思想,以中国封建社会的传统政治文化为生存发展的土壤;民生是超意识形态的政策措施,直接关乎社会秩序的稳定和政权的安危.吸取民本思想之精华,构建明晰的适合我国国情的社会主义民主、民生理论是当务之急.     

Waiting for Palestine: refracted citizenship and latent sovereignty in Gaza

This article explores the dynamics of citizenship under conditions of statelessness and in territories with uncertain sovereignty. The Gaza Strip under Egyptian Administration (1948–1967) – a nearly indefinable entity that was under Egyptian authority but no one's sovereignty – offers an especially good site for this exploration. In this period, both the government and the population were invested in some notion of Palestinian citizenship, but there was no Palestinian state to codify that concept. The Palestinian loss of formal citizenship with the end of the British Mandate in 1948, and the continued absence of this legal category, has shaped Palestinian life and political identification in profound ways. Even under these conditions, though, both conceptions about, and the social practice of, citizenship have also been crucially important for Palestinian community. Conditions in Gaza under Egyptian Administration illuminate a ‘refracted citizenship’ that articulated a relationship to both a future state and an existing government. Considering both the earlier dynamics of citizenship and sovereignty under the contested circumstances of the Mandate and the details of Egyptian governing practices in Gaza, the article argues that refracted citizenship provided a mechanism for people to make claims of the existing government and offered a means for that government to better manage the place and people of Gaza. Refracted citizenship also enabled people to build new community relations within Gaza – to develop a sense of specifically Gazan community – without feeling that they were jeopardizing their claims to Palestinian citizenship.     

对我军完成多样化军事任务的几点思考

胡锦涛总书记在党的十七大报告中明确了提高军队应对多种安全威胁、完成多样化军事任务的能力,要达到全面履行党和人民赋予的新视野和军事战略视野,进一步增强政治意识、大局意识,新阶段军队历史使命,必须提高军队应对多样化军事任务的使命意识和战略意识,在纷繁复杂的形势面前能消除威胁、完成多样化军事任务的能力,坚决维护国家主权、安全、领土完整,为维护世界和平贡献力量。这是当前国防和军队建设的重要内容,也是新世纪履行我军历史使命的体现。     

The multiplicity of challenges faced by South African borders: A case of Limpopo Province

Continently, African countries are gradually facing overwhelming tasks of managing their borders in ways that safeguard their national sovereignty, ensures that they are bridges rather than barriers for cross‐border cooperation and regional integration, prevents illegal entries, xenophobic attack and exiting of people and goods while allowing natural movement of goods and people. In this manner, South Africa and other African countries are confronted with different challenges, which impact negatively on the economy and political arena. Therefore, the article aimed at examining the multiplicity of challenges faced by South African borders with specific reference to Limpopo Province. The article has determined the number of aggravating factors towards porous borders which contribute to the multiplicity of challenges, inter alia; an increase in corruption, porous borderlines and weak management systems. A desktop research approach was applied to collects historical materials to validate the arguments that African countries are faced with an epidemic xenophobic attack due to poor maintenance and control of national borders and security system. As a result, the article recommends that the government ought to intensify the visibility of South African Police Services on the borders to help curb crimes and illegal immigrants. The article also recommends effective outsourcing of certain government functions to the private sector, effective use of technology for detections of risks and deployment of skilled, experienced and trustworthy or ethical officials. In conclusion, this article outlines some of the solutions that may be applied to address the porous borders management challenges experienced at the South African borders.