大学生对农民工的刻板印象内容与结构

本研究旨在考察大学生对农民工的刻板印象,同时检验刻板印象内容模型对具体目标群体的适用性。采用形容词检核表法和形容词评定法对264名大学生进行了问卷调查,发现大学生对农民工的刻板印象包含三个因素:"勤劳朴实"的人格特性、"地位低下"的社会经济属性和"强壮有力"的身体机能特征,而"热情"与"能力"维度并不在其中,表明刻板印象内容模型不具有普适性。最后对研究结果的理论意义与现实意义进行了讨论。     

小学教师对学生性别刻板印象的表现及启示

学校教育中,教师对学生持有一定的刻板印象。通常会认为在学习态度、学习习惯和学习兴趣方面女生要好于男生,在教学管理上更倾向于信赖女生,而在教学期待上对男生抱有较大的期望,并对男生持有较高的教学评价。因此,学校教育要引导教师树立正确的性别角色观,因性施教与双性化教育相结合,营造性别平等的校园文化,促进小学生身心的健康发展。     

媒介使用、文化产品消费与大学生对日本人刻板印象

采用实证研究的方法,分析大学生对日本人刻板印象的内容和结构,以及媒介使用和文化产品消费对刻板印象形成的影响。采用"自由联想法"获取有关刻板印象的形容词并编制"语义差异量表",以此测量大学生对日本人的刻板印象,发现大学生对日本人形成了积极和消极两方面的刻板印象;采用回归分析的方法,以两个维度的刻板印象作为因变量,发现大学生不同类型的媒介使用和文化产品消费在一定程度上影响了对日本人的刻板印象。研究结果部分支持涵化理论的解释视角。     

国际法的国家同一性理论与两岸国家认同

自从胡锦涛总书记在十七大报告中呼吁＂在一个中国原则的基础上,协商正式结束两岸敌对状态,达成和平协议＂以来,对和平协议或和平发展协议框架的研究就成了两岸理论界的热点。各界都不否认两岸国家认同应该成为和平协议或和平发展协议的基础性规定,     

对中学生同一性危机和应对的初步探讨

中学生正处于个体心理和生理走向成熟的时期,他们还面临着自我同一性确立的发展课题,会伴随着各种积极的或消极的情绪体验出现各种不适应的表现,于是容易导致中学生出现自我同一性确立的危机,表现为自我混乱。针对这个问题采用访谈法,列举了两个典型案例,分析了中学生存在的自我发展方面的问题的原因,引出了作者对当前中学生自我意识发展的思考和对应对措施的建议。     

世界对中国和美国的印象

皮尤研究中心在39个国家进行的一项新调查发现,受访者对美国的看法和对中国的看法迥异,但地区、国家不同,差异也很大。这是一个很有冲击力的数据表,显示全球对世界两个最强大国家的态度转变,也让人一窥对中国和美国的民意的复杂世界。     

理解全球化与民族国家:历史、现实和未来

全球化在过去的几十年里在争论中得到了不断地发展。在这些争论中,关于全球化与民族国家的问题是一个焦点。全球化正日益从国家主权、国家认同等方面对民族国家发起巨大的挑战,一些学者认为民族国家将最终退出世界舞台,取而代之的将会是世界政府、世界公民社会。尽管如此,认为民族国家将会终结的说法仍然显得为时过早,而世界公民社会还任重道远。     

言论自由对个人、国家和社会的价值

对于个人而言,自由抒发己见是个人人格发展不可缺少的要素,是保障人作为人存在的根据;对于国家而言,言论自由的价值更在于它是社会公众借以制衡公共权力,防止其侵害公民权利的一种手段;就整个社会而言,自由言论更多地与宽容联系在一起,成为一种舒缓、分解乃至消除矛盾的渠道。     

主流媒体上的“80后”形象研究——对中国14种主要报纸的内容分析

本文运用内容分析法,研究了2003年至2008年《人民日报》等14种中国有影响力的报纸上以80后为标题的681个文本。发现80后的媒介形象有一个变化过程,80后从最初特指青春写手到泛指20世纪80年代以后出生的一代人,描写特征从另类到个性、自我,再到自信、社会责任感、爱国,从垮掉的一代到鸟巢一代。大部分媒体的报道呈现出多元化的观点,但也有刻板印象的痕迹。     

National Identity,Plurality and Interculturalism

This article examines the similarities and differences between multiculturalism and interculturalism, with particular reference to the impact of globalisation and changing patterns of diversity. It reflects briefly on the origins of multiculturalism—largely from a European perspective—with its focus on ‘race’ and the socio‐economic analysis that accompanied it. The article suggests that while multiculturalism was right to continue to focus on inequalities, it failed to adapt to super‐diversity and the multifaceted aspects of difference and ‘otherness’, including those based on disability, age and gender. Further, while multiculturalism became rooted in intra‐national differences, between minority and majority populations, an intercultural approach is now necessary to support the changing patterns of national identity and respond to the recent challenge posed by the growth of far‐right and popular extremist parties (PEPs).     

Citizenship,Migration and the Reassertion of National Identity

Faced with increasing and diverse migratory pressures in the post Cold War period, European states have created an increasingly complex system of civic stratifications with differential access to civil, economic and social rights depending on mode of entry, residence and employment. Now at the beginning of the twenty-first century, expansion and contraction of rights have occurred within a managerialist approach which, though recognising the need for immigration, applies an economic and political calculus not only to labour migration but also to forms of migration more closely aligned to normative principles and human rights, such as family formation and reunification and asylum. At the same time, states are demanding affirmation of belonging and loyalty, leading to greater emphasis on obligations in the practice of citizenship. The first part of the paper traces the evolution of a managerialist regime and its consequences for the reconfiguration of spaces of citizenship. The second section examines the development of new contracts of settlement and the management of diversity as the state reasserts its national identity and sovereignty.     

International Peacebuilding and the Politics of Identity: Lessons from Social Psychology using the Bosnian Case

This article argues that international peacebuilding efforts must be understood as identity-building projects and applies what we know from social psychology about identity processes to post-conflict peacebuilding. It argues that international peacebuilders must pay careful attention to the relationship between the multiple sources of identity from which individuals draw their self-concepts, such as their ethno-national belonging and their citizenship. Using qualitative evidence from field research on international interventions in post-conflict education reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the decade following Dayton, the article contends that the international community's efforts on the ground entrenched ethno-national group boundaries while simultaneously challenging the distinctiveness of these ethno-national identities. As a result, rather than being sites of peacebuilding, the schools of Bosnia-Herzegovina became sites of heightened tensions and controversy.     

Towards a ‘Civic’ Narrative: British National Identity and the Transformation of the British National Party

This article examines the ways in which the BNP utilises the elements of British national identity in its discourse and argues that, during Griffin's leadership, the party has made a discursive choice to shift the emphasis from an ethnic to a civic narrative. We put forward two hypotheses, 1: the modernisation of the discourse of extreme right parties in the British context is likely to be related to the adoption of a predominantly civic narrative and 2: in the context of British party competition the BNP is likely to converge towards UKIP, drawing upon elements of its perceived winning formula, i.e. a predominantly civic rhetoric of national identity. We proceed to empirically test our hypotheses by conducting a twofold comparison. First, we compare the BNP's discourse pre‐ and post‐1999 showing the BNP's progressive adoption of a civic narrative; and second the BNP's post‐1999 discourse to that of UKIP in order to illustrate their similarities in terms of civic values.     

The Lion and the Eunuch: National Identity and the British Genius

The Lion and the Eunuch challenges the failures of British politicians to adequately understand the complexities, and the subtleties, of British national identity, and goes on to define it for them. It also explains reasons for our current confusions over who we are in the world. In 1940 Orwell wrote The Lion and the Unicorn as a rallying cry for a richly identifying country that was still able to imagine itself, and re‐imagine itself, as the need arose. This essay suggests that without a radical change of government policy and thought, that power will continue to decline with far reaching consequences for the peoples of these islands.     

Being British: A Crisis of Identity?

An assumed decline in Britishness has rekindled concern over the 'break up of Britain'. The creation of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 is taken as the cause and the effect of Scots having come to feel more Scottish and less British. Using data on public attitudes from British, and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys, this paper shows that, despite a strengthening sense of Scottishness over the last thirty years, the sense of being British is still widespread and similar in Scotland and in England. Even those who describe themselves as Scottish and not British are not hostile to the idea of Britain. The relatively weak association between national identity, party support and views on constitutional change suggests that being Scottish is more cultural than political. Recent attempts by politicians and others to mobilise Britishness ignore the complexity and diversity of meanings it has both north and south of the border.     

东南亚华人的身份、地位和权利问题

到20世纪80年代末,东南亚华人基本完成了从华侨社会向华人社会转变的过程,绝大多数都加入了当地国籍成为各国的公民.东南亚华人身份的转变过程由于受到冷战时期的一些时局因素的制约变得复杂而曲折,转变过程的完成意味着长期以来使用的"华侨"称呼已经不能反映实际情况,同时学术研究和实际工作中也应该做出一些相应的调整.华人成为东南亚国家的公民之后,在有些国家可以享有充分的社会政治权利,而在有些国家则受到不同程度的歧视,处于一种二等公民的地位.华人的政治社会地位如何往往并非掌握在华人自身手中,因为除新加坡之外,在各国华人都是少数民族.     

Religion and National Identity in America and Europe

America and Europe have had very different religious experiences, and these differences have continuing consequences. In America, the preponderance of Reform Protestantism gave rise to religious and political pluralism, a religious marketplace, and the continuing vitality of the churches. In Europe, the dominance of state churches gave rise to the eventual rejection of these churches and religions when the traditional political and social authorities were rejected, particularly by the Generation of 1968. However, Europe’s extreme secularization has rendered it confused and ineffective in dealing with the new religious challenge posed by Muslim immigrant communities.

言息公开法中的国家安全例外浅议

国家安全例外是信息公开法公开例外的一种。国家安全例外可以细分为国家安全、国家防卫、国际关系和对外承担保密义务的信息。国家安全例外的保护机制有损害测试、公共利益测试、部长否决权制度、存在与否机制等。我国应在未来的信息公开法中对国家安全例外进行立法,通过严格界定国家安全,引入损害测试、公共利益测试和存在与否机制来对国家安全例外进行周到保护,并同时实现信息公开的最大化。     

从日本国民性看中日关系的发展

作为一衣带水的邻邦,中国与日本的关系将对世界产生重要影响。两国文化血脉相容最深,历史交往最多,本应友好合作共同发展,却因对华侵略历史的认识、台湾所属和钓鱼岛等问题矛盾频生,关系日益紧张。将关注点放在了解和剖析日本的国民性,并以此为据分析中日目前关系复杂的成因及其发展态势,目的是探讨中国如何在中日紧张形势中走出正确的关键一步。