媒介使用、文化产品消费与大学生对日本人刻板印象

采用实证研究的方法,分析大学生对日本人刻板印象的内容和结构,以及媒介使用和文化产品消费对刻板印象形成的影响。采用"自由联想法"获取有关刻板印象的形容词并编制"语义差异量表",以此测量大学生对日本人的刻板印象,发现大学生对日本人形成了积极和消极两方面的刻板印象;采用回归分析的方法,以两个维度的刻板印象作为因变量,发现大学生不同类型的媒介使用和文化产品消费在一定程度上影响了对日本人的刻板印象。研究结果部分支持涵化理论的解释视角。     

泰国留学生对中国人的刻板印象研究

分两阶段调查广州地区的泰国留学生,考察他们对中国人刻板印象的内容、方向和强度,探究在华时间、汉语水平、是否华裔、对中国文化的了解程度等因素的影响。结果表明,泰国留学生对中国人既有正面刻板印象,又有负面刻板印象;前者内容比后者多,强度比后者高;"好学"和"粗俗"是最深刻的正面和负面刻板印象;是否华裔与对中国人的正面刻板印象显著相关,对中国文化的了解程度与正面和负面刻板印象显著相关。最后分析了刻板印象背后的成因。     

来华留学生中国人刻板印象研究

本研究主要探讨了来华留学生对中国人刻板印象的内容与结构。通过开放式问卷调查,首先获取了来华留学生描述中国人的27个形容词;然后请153名留学生对这些形容词进行评定。通过探索性因素分析发现,来华留学生对中国人刻板印象的结构包括热情、能力、负面行为、生活方式四个维度。在此基础上,本研究分析了刻板印象的不同维度与留学生对中国人喜欢程度的关系。本研究还进一步讨论了研究结果同之前结果之间的差异,以及在促进留学生与中国人交流中的意义。     

西方自我同一性理论发展简述

自埃里克森首次提出自我同一性这一概念后,西方心理学学者对这一概念的研究在跨越半个多世纪后呈现多理论多方向的局面,后人逐渐丰富发展了自我同一性的概念。从Marcia的自我同一性状态模型到最新的Luyckx等人提出的双环模型,意对自我同一性概念的发展进行描述,并在此基础上提出发展的新展望。     

充满危机意识的日本人

日本人似乎生来就是忧心忡忡的。目前在日本,对经济前景感到绝望的人越来越多,全国自杀者大幅度增加,从1991年的两万两千多人增至1999年的三万三千多人。日本内阁府有国民生活心理指数调查,日本银行对企业心理也有调查,调查国民是否感到不安、苦恼。调查显示,心理状况比经济的实际状况还要不好。实体经济还有过微弱的复苏,可心理指标一直     

自我同一性理论对职业生涯规划的启示

职业生涯规划教育不仅要根据社会进行生涯规划,更重要的是要探索青少年的自我同一性。在自我同一性达成的基础上进行的职业规划才是理性的职业规划。促进大学生的自我同一性达成需要教育主管部门对目前的大学教育制度进行合适的改革,给予大学生足够的空间和探索体验的机会。     

埃里克森自我同一性理论对创新思想政治工作的启示

美国心理学家埃里克森提出了贯穿于人的整个心理发展过程的自我同一性理论,指出青春期是人生的关键时期,是由童年到成年的一个重要转折点,青春期青少年自我同一性的建立最为重要,自我同一性理论既考虑到生物遗传因素的作用,又强调社会文化条件对青少年发展的影响,从生理、心理和社会三个方面来关注青少年的发展,为新时期创新青少年思想政治教育提供了必要的方法启示。     

论民主的同一性

民主的同一性是在全球化的时代中、在已有研究成果的基础上提出的新观点,它能够为人们正确理解和坚定中国民主政治发展方向提供必要的启迪。民主同一性是政治文明的核心成果和价值导向,具体表现为人权、平等、公平的价值内涵和人民主权、代议制政府、权力制约、厉行法治这些基本原则。评判民主同一性要站在马克思主义的基本立场上,坚持具体地、历史地、全面地看待问题。     

女大学生职业角色刻板印象研究

本研究通过与男大学生进行比较对女大学生的职业角色刻板印象进行了探讨。结果发现： 从整体来看女大学生比男大学生具有较低的职业角色刻板印象； 女大学生主体也带有职业角色刻板印象， 同时对女性自身的职业范围有着较高的限制； 男性对女性职业发展的限制更甚于女性的自我限制； 传统的性别观念仍在不同层面影响着女大学生的职业角色刻板印象， 造成女大学生未来发展相对狭小的选择空间， 使其内心承受着更多的矛盾和冲突。     

大学生对农民工的刻板印象内容与结构

本研究旨在考察大学生对农民工的刻板印象,同时检验刻板印象内容模型对具体目标群体的适用性。采用形容词检核表法和形容词评定法对264名大学生进行了问卷调查,发现大学生对农民工的刻板印象包含三个因素:"勤劳朴实"的人格特性、"地位低下"的社会经济属性和"强壮有力"的身体机能特征,而"热情"与"能力"维度并不在其中,表明刻板印象内容模型不具有普适性。最后对研究结果的理论意义与现实意义进行了讨论。     

A New Progressive Patriotism

The need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose.     

International Peacebuilding and the Politics of Identity: Lessons from Social Psychology using the Bosnian Case

This article argues that international peacebuilding efforts must be understood as identity-building projects and applies what we know from social psychology about identity processes to post-conflict peacebuilding. It argues that international peacebuilders must pay careful attention to the relationship between the multiple sources of identity from which individuals draw their self-concepts, such as their ethno-national belonging and their citizenship. Using qualitative evidence from field research on international interventions in post-conflict education reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the decade following Dayton, the article contends that the international community's efforts on the ground entrenched ethno-national group boundaries while simultaneously challenging the distinctiveness of these ethno-national identities. As a result, rather than being sites of peacebuilding, the schools of Bosnia-Herzegovina became sites of heightened tensions and controversy.     

Regional Identity and Support for Europe: Distinguishing Between Cultural and Political Social Identity in France

Much has been written about the “crisis of the nation state” in Europe. The shifting of state competencies to the European and regional levels is expected to generate new loyalties to these levels, possibly at the expense of national solidarity. While numerous studies show that individuals with an exclusive national identity are less likely to support integration than those with an inclusive identity, much less is known about the interaction between regional identity and European identity. Using public opinion data collected in 16 French regions, I show that exclusive regionalists are less likely to feel attached to Europe and support the EU. However, I also find that the impact of regional identity on European identity varies by the type of identity invoked—cultural versus political. While cultural regional identity lowers support for European institutions, political regional identity has the opposite effect.     

Pedagogisation of nation identity through textbook narratives in China: 1902–1948

How to construct a national collective identity in a diversified population becomes a challenge for many nation states. Focusing on the tension between diversity, citizenship and national identity, this article adopts the lens of the pedagogical state to analyse national identity construction in Chinese political education textbooks published between 1902 and 1948. The purpose of this research was to explore the pedagogical mechanisms with which the textbook narratives accommodate the tensions of diversity in a culturally heterogeneous population and transmit a newly invented national identity (‘the Chinese nation’, Zhonghua minzu) to the masses. Two general rationales of persuasion are identified in the textbooks: narrative of origin and narrative of promise. Framing the analysis in China's citizenship project by the state, this study argues that the textbooks lead the general public into a citizenship identity contract on the grounds of the two rationales.     

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

Scotland seems to be a counter-example to general theories of the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism. These theories point to three components in the ideology of language and nation—that being able to speak the national language is necessary for full national membership, that the national language is a core part of the nation's culture, and that the future of national political autonomy and the future of the national language are connected with each other. In Scotland, it has appeared that language is not central to national membership or culture, and language campaigning has not been central to the political campaigns for autonomy. The article presents new evidence, from the 2012 Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, which questions these beliefs about the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism in Scotland.     

Whatever Became of the British?

Much of the debate about ‘being British’ is driven by the politics of the constitutional future of the United Kingdom. This has led to assertions about the declining impact of Britishness, and how, in the interests of the Union, it might be revived. Data from British and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys show that ‘Britain’ remains an important and meaningful frame of reference, even though people in England and Scotland may not define their prime national identity as British. The relationship between national identity and constitutional preferences is complex. Being ‘strongly Scottish’ is a weak predictor of constitutional preferences because almost all Scots are at the ‘strong’ end of the Scottish scale, whereas saying you are ‘British’ (or not) is a better guide. It is not a matter of choosing to be Scottish or English over being British, but recognising the complexity and inter‐relationships of diverse territorial identities.     

Immigration and French national identity under neoliberalism: Sarkozy's selective immigration politics as a performance of sovereignty

In 2007 then French president Nicolas Sarkozy established the Ministry of Immigration, Integration, National Identity and Cooperative Development. Ocak investigates what the ministry wanted to achieve by promoting national identity and linking it with immigration. Focusing on the so-called selective immigration policies and the national identity debate, she examines the ways in which neoliberalization hollows out the nation-state and transforms its relations vis-à-vis citizens and, as a result, increases the need to perform sovereignty to counterbalance the crisis of the welfare state. The articulation of the undesired immigrant figure and the project to engage French citizens in the management of the immigrant operate, she suggests, as tactics to smooth this transformation and compensate for the losses that the French citizens experience as a result of the reign of neoliberal policies.     

International and domestic challenges to Japan's postwar security identity: ‘norm constructivism’ and Japan's new ‘proactive pacifism’

Abstract

Japan today is widely portrayed as on the verge of a significant identity shift that could lead to dramatic new security policies. Yet, Japan's first formal national security strategy, adopted in December 2013, proclaims repeatedly Japan's long-standing ‘peace-loving’ policies and principles. Why does a conservative government with high levels of popular support not pursue policies more in line with views widely reported to be central to its values and outlook? The answer lies in Japan's long-standing security identity of domestic antimilitarism, an identity under siege to a degree not seen since its creation over 50 years ago, but – as evidenced in Japan's new national strategy document – one that continues to shape both the framing of Japan's national security debates and the institutions of Japan's postwar security policy-making process. Relational approaches to identity construction illuminate challenges to Japan's dominant security identity, but a focus on domestic institutions and electoral politics offers the best course for modeling identity construction and predicting its future resilience.     

Discourses of American national identity: echoes and lessons from the 1910s–1920s

Anti-immigration sentiment is intricately connected to an ethno-racial conception of American national identity, a connection that has deep roots in American politics and is increasingly visible in recent debates surrounding immigration. To support this claim, the article begins with an examination of the multiple traditions approach to American national identity which, in turn, frames a discussion of three recent incidents in US politics that illustrate the fusion of anti-immigrant sentiment and an ethno-racial national identity. It then illustrates how these incidents echo and recycle similar dynamics from the 1910s–1920s before examining the arguments of Horace Kallen and Randolph Bourne, both of whom defended forms of cultural pluralism as a counter-discourse to the anti-immigrant nativism, restrictionism, and 100% Americanism of the era. Their arguments are then evaluated to assess whether they remain useful in our current era. Despite some limitations, the insights of Kallen and Bourne can serve as a counter-discourse that helps bolster present-day arguments in favor of a more inclusive, pluralistic, egalitarian, and democratic vision of national identity in the US.     

Income inequality and voting for radical right-wing parties

Using a multilevel analysis method, this article tests different hypotheses for how income inequality affects voter support for radical right-wing parties (RRPs) in Western Europe. Specifically, the article shows how this ‘income inequality effect’ encourages poor people to vote for RRPs, while it concurrently discourages rich people from doing so. This finding supports the social identity hypothesis, which states that social identity (a micro-level factor) intermediates income inequality effect (a macro-level factor) on voter support for RRPs. The article's results suggest, further, that income inequality has different effects between the main supporters of RRPs with dissimilar occupations (e.g., manual workers and the petty bourgeoisie) because they belong to different income groups; and that country-level factors may have different effects on people regarding their support for RRPs.