孙中山民族主义的历史演变、意义与价值

孙中山的民族主义在不同的历史发展时期有不同的内涵,从反清排满,到"五族共和",再到反对帝国主义和国内各民族一律平等,体现着孙中山思想的进步。孙中山的民族主义在中国近现代历史上产生了巨大影响,晚年的民族主义实际等同于爱国主义,是一笔宝贵的精神财富。     

论孙中山民族主义的变化及对中华民族的构建

民族主义作为近代产生的重要政治思想理论,不仅对西方,而且对我国也产生了重要的影响。特别是近代中国面临深重的民族危机、社会危机,民族主义在唤醒民族意识、反抗民族压迫中扮演了重要的角色。尤其是作为近代民主革命先行者的孙中山先生,其三民主义中的民族主义堪称是我国民族主义思想的重要代表。其民族主义先后经历了"排满"革命、"五族共和",最后到彻底反帝反封建的民族主义,是不断补充和发展的民族主义。他对于中华民族构建的思想,从最初狭隘的汉民族至中华民族,是不断补充和发展的。     

民族主义与自由主义的融合——孙中山三民主义思想再解读

民族主义与自由主义是近现代以来两种重要的政治思潮,二者之间有很大不同,但在许多价值观念上又是相融相通的,特别是在中国近现代特殊的时代背景下,民族主义与自由主义更是交融在一起。自由主义以民族主义为其理论前提和基本政治框架,而民族认同又以自由主义为理论基础,民族主义的许多理念融合在自由主义的价值诉求中。孙中山的三民主义思想三个不同方面内容的有机联系很好地诠释了民族主义与自由主义的交融关系。本文通过对三民主义思想的重新解读,将这种相融相通的关系进一步凸显。     

从"反满"到"五族共和"——试论孙中山民族主义的发展

民族主义是孙中山三民主义的重要组成部分,孙中山民族主义的发展经过了一个渐进的发展阶段,从一开始的以反满为主要特征的反满兴汉、反对满洲贵族建立资产阶级共和国的狭隘民族主义,发展到后来的五族共和。民族主义是随着孙中山的思想认识逐步发展深化的,这种发展和深化是顺应时代要求和历史进步的。     

论孙中山的民族和谐思想

孙中山的思想和业绩是中国近代发展史上的一座丰碑。在处理国内民族问题时,孙中山和谐思想正是基于对中国社会不和谐的原因而形成的。他赞成"五族共和",反对民族歧视,主张各民族和谐共处,促进各民族发展,不仅对中华民族共同体的统一的自觉认同意识具有积极意义,而且对当前社会主义和谐社会的建设有着重要的借鉴作用,也是构建大陆和台湾和平统一的重要思想基础和解决民族、宗教问题的参照标准,同时是中国特色社会文化建设的重要内容。     

一笔珍贵的历史遗产——马克思恩格斯关于民族主义的论述

马克思、恩格斯关于民族主义的论述给我们留下了一笔珍贵的历史遗产。他们承认民族、民族差别、民族认同意识与民族主义的存在,认为被压迫、被侵略民族、国家的民族解放运动、民族主义运动与思想是全世界无产者联合起来进行无产阶级革命的一个部分;被压迫、被侵略民族、国家的民族解放运动与民族主义运动是社会主义运动的一个步骤。但他们反对借"民族原则"、"民族自决权"行分裂进而侵略他国的资产阶级的民族主义。     

中山传略：生平业绩学说（五）

三民主义三民主义是孙中山先生所提出的政治学说,包含民族主义、民权主义和民生主义。三民主义集中反映了资产阶级在政治上、经济上的要求,同时也反映了当时广大中国人民要求民族独立、民主权利、民生富裕的愿望,因     

王船山民族差别论及其种族民族主义思想的萌芽片论

王船山民族思想的近代性因素之一体现在其民族思想的种族民族主义的思想萌芽上。船山基于民族差别的思想，反对异族通婚，偏激地对待西学及西士，这些理性不足而激愤有余的民族思想，成为促生近代种族民族主义的思想酵母，近代排满革命利用的正是这种资源。     

孙中山民族认同思想演变轨迹

孙中山民族认同思想历经华夏民族认同、"五族共和"认同和中华民族认同三次演变,三者之间具有内在的统一性,彰显出孙中山在民族认同思想上的思维逻辑进程。审视孙中山民族认同思想的演进历程与逻辑轨迹,有助于我们以更加务实的态度来提升中华民族认同。     

孙中山对中国近代爱国思想的杰出贡献

孙中山是伟大的革命先行者。他在三民主义这个完备的理论体系中所体现的爱国思想,代表了“真正伟大人民的真正伟大的思想”(列宁:《中国的民族主义和民粹主义》),具有鲜明现实意义     

The Sincerest Form of Flattery: Nationalist Emulation during the COVID-19 Pandemic

As COVID-19 rapidly spread across the globe, every government in the world has been forced to enact policies to slow the spread of the virus. While leaders often claim responses are based on the best available advice from scientists and public health experts, recent policy diffusion research suggests that countries are emulating the COVID-19 policies of their neighbors instead of responding to domestic conditions. Political and geographic considerations play a role in determining which countries imitate one another, but even among countries that are politically or geographically distant, nationalist regimes seem to favor certain approaches towards the pandemic. We investigate why this is the case by examining whether countries that embrace a nationalist ideology are more likely to emulate the COVID-19 policies of similarly nationalist regimes. We demonstrate that, even after controlling for domestic circumstances and linguistic, trade, geographic, and political connections, nationalist countries are emulating each other’s responses. These results are robust and shed light not only on new mechanisms of policy diffusion but also on the growing international cooperation of nationalist regimes and leaders.

     

AN APPROACH TO THE POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY OF THE WELSH NATIONALIST MOVEMENT

Abstract The character and ideology of the Welsh nationalist movement have changed drastically since the founding of an independent party in 1925. This paper seeks to utilize a developmental typology in analyzing data obtained from interviews with nationalist activists in examining such changes. In this way, it is possible to understand how Welsh language militants, 'respectable' cultural nationalists, middle-of-the road party workers from rural Wales, and south Wales radicals coexist and cooperate within the fabric of organized nationalism. The investigation of the social dynamics of the movement renders comprehensible both the causes of internal organizational strength and the electoral difficulties facing Plaid Cymru.     

Beyond issue diversification: N-VA and the communitarisation of political,economic and cultural conflicts in Belgium

Since the early 2000s, the Flemish nationalist party New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) has experienced a burgeoning growth. Paradoxically, for a stateless nationalist and regionalist party (SNRP), this performance has occurred without major changes in mass support for independence and only ambiguous ones for more regional autonomy, which suggests that the party appeals to different electoral subgroups through a vote-maximisation strategy of issue diversification. Providing an in-depth analysis of the multi-dimensional ideology of N-VA, this article contributes to the literature on SNRPs by arguing that N-VA has gone beyond issue diversification through a strategy of ‘issue communitarisation’ that consists not only in expanding its agenda beyond the centre–periphery cleavage, but rather in framing all other policy issues explicitly in (sub-state) nationalist terms. According to this strategy, all major conflicts on political power, social redistribution and cultural identity are systematically represented as being based on an unresolvable and overarching centre–periphery antagonism between Flanders and francophone Belgium.     

Is Nationalism a Distinct Ideology?

Whether or not nationalism is an ideology is a question that can be illuminated by a study of its conceptual structure. Core and adjacent concepts of nationalism are examined within the context of liberal, conservative and fascist ideologies, contexts that respectively encourage particular ideational paths within nationalist argument, while discouraging others. Employing a morphological analysis of ideological configurations, it is argued that various nationalisms may appear as distinct thin-centred ideologies, but are more readily understood as embellishments of, and sustainers of, the features of their host ideologies.     

Who is the enemy now? Islamophobia and antisemitism among Russian Orthodox nationalists before and after September 11

In this article Verkhovsky focuses on Russian nationalist groups who base their ideology on the Russian Orthodox tradition. These Russian Orthodox nationalists should be distinguished both from those nationalists for whom Orthodoxy is clearly overwhelmed by the ideological demands of ethno-nationalism, as well as from those who use Orthodoxy simply as a popular symbol of national identity. Orthodox nationalists, moreover, are fairly independent of the Moscow Patriarchate and its ideology. The ideology of Orthodox nationalism focuses both on its principal enemy, the Antichrist, and on those enemies subordinate to the Antichrist: Jews, Catholics, the West, the New World Order and so on. In the mid-1990s Islam had no obvious place among this set of hostile forces. The Moscow Patriarchate and moderately nationalist politicians, relying to some extent on Eurasianist ideas, saw the relationship between Orthodoxy and Islam in Russia as a harmonious one, and, on the whole, Orthodox nationalists did not disagree, although individuals occasionally claimed that the Jews, using the West, were setting Islam against Orthodox Russia. The situation began to change during the second Chechen war, when Orthodox nationalists began to issue warnings of an Islamic threat. This was related not only to the situation in former Yugoslavia and in Chechnya, but also to an increase in the immigration of Muslims to ethnically Russian regions of the country. For Orthodox nationalists, this Islamic threat was part of the larger threat coming from the Jews and the West. Islam, they claimed, was being used as a tool by the Antichrist not only because it was a flawed religion, but because it, being less godless than the West, would produce radical Islamism as a synthesis of western technology and eastern passion. In the intense debates that followed in the wake of the attacks of 11 September 2001 most Orthodox nationalists in Russia supported adopting a neutral position in the supposed ‘clash of civilizations’ between Islam and the West.     

Fighting for Liberal Peace in Mali? The Limits of International Military Intervention

The January 2013 French military intervention in Mali exposed the rising threat of ‘terrorist’ and illicit networks in the Sahel, but more importantly the intertwined limits of Malian politics and of the international politics of African conflict management. While much has been written about the ‘liberal peace’, this article argues that what is at stake in this debate is the consistency of the ‘liberal peace’ ideological form and what governance requirements it imposes. Such an ideology necessarily intersects with ongoing Malian peace-, nation- and statebuilding dynamics and competing normative orders that transcend state borders and nationalist projects.     

Organic purity and the role of anthropology in Cambodia and Rwanda

Straus investigates the ideology of two genocidal regimes in the developing world: the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia and Hutu Power in Rwanda. Although the regimes were quite different - one Communist, the other nationalist - he argues that their ideals converged around a notion of organic purity. Both regimes pursued extraordinary violence to meet the ideal: mass destruction was a method to achieve organic purity. Straus further contends that anthropological writings provided the necessary ideational building blocks for this ideal. In promoting a violent return to a mythic past, both murderous regimes embraced the images and concepts of European archaeology and ethnography.     

The nation as hegemonic project

This article argues that the nation is best conceived as a hegemonic project. It starts with a discussion of the dialectical intertwining of the categories of nationhood and nationalism, and continues with a treatment of the analytical distinction and historical relationship between states and nations. It sketches the rise of and problems with the principle and practice of ‘self-determination’ in the post-Wilsonian world, and seeks to problematize still-influential Leninist-cum-Stalinist dogmas regarding the ‘self-determination’ of nations. It concludes with an extended consideration of Benedict Anderson’s sophisticated neo-Marxist apology for nationalist politics and ideology. It takes Anderson to task on three related counts: for paying insufficient attention to power relations; for underestimating the affinities between nationalism and racism; and for denying the intimate connection between nationalism and fascism.     

Extreme-right Parties in Eastern Europe

Abstract

From the moment the Berlin Wall came down scholars and politicians around the world expressed concern about an upsurge of extreme-right politics in Eastern Europe. Dramatic events like the Yugoslav conflict and even the so-called ‘velvet split’ of Czechoslovakia only strengthened this fear. Despite these many general warnings about the rise of extreme right parties (ERPs) in Eastern Europe very little empirical work has appeared on the subject. Mudde's article provides an analytical tool which will help to further understanding of the extreme right in the region. It presents and applies a fairly straightforward typology of ERPs in Eastern Europe based on the (ideological) character of the parties. The pre-Communist ERP locates the origin of its ideological identity in political parties and ideas of the pre-Communist period, generally harking back to national-conservative, monarchist, or indigenous or foreign fascist ideals. The character of the party might be expressed in the open espousal of pre-Communist ideas or by using the associated ‘folklore’, while in some cases there might even be continuity in personnel or organizations (often through the émigré community). With the notable exceptions of Croatia and Slovakia, pre-Communist ERPs have remained marginal in post-Communist political life. The Communist ERP looks for ideological inspiration in the Communist period and includes nationalist splits of the (former) Communist parties as well as new parties that combine a nationalist ideology with a nostalgia for Communist rule. They are mainly successful in countries where the Communist regime had a strong nationalist undercurrent and the party is still in the hands of hardliners (e.g. Romania and Russia). Post-Communist ERPs, finally, locate the source of their identities in the post-Communist period: these organizations are new and their focus is on current political issues. They harbour no feelings of nostalgia, either for the pre-Communist or the Communist period. Post-Communist ERPS have developed in most East European countries but, although some have achieved remarkable electoral successes, in general they have been only moderately successful (similar to ERPs in Western Europe).     

Gendering the Holy Cross School Dispute: Women and Nationalism in Northern Ireland

This article explores the Holy Cross school dispute in Northern Ireland from a feminist perspective. This ethnic quarrel produced a situation whereby women and young schoolgirls became the focal point of a sectarian protest from September 2001 to early 2002. Throughout the conflict, issues of gender were sidelined from the analysis of the dispute. The article attempts to remedy this omission by moving the category of gender to the forefront of the analysis. It examines the relationship between nationalist discourses of gender identity and representations of the nationalist women's agency during the dispute. While exposing these dimensions of the conflict, the article also considers the impact of women's ethno-nationalist agency on their role and positioning within nationalist cultures. It concludes that the Holy Cross conflict exposes the potentially disruptive aspects of women's ethno-nationalist agency and highlights the political significance of that agency for nationalist cultures pursuing ideals of gender equality.