改革市场规则 塑造市场主体 转变政府职能 剔除经济系统的计划经济色彩

全国上下正在抓紧做好加入世贸组织的准备和过渡期的各项工作。我国只要加入了 WTO，就要按 WTO规则办事。这不仅是我国加入 WTO所必须履行的义务，更是我国充分利用 WTO规则获取自身利益的重要前提。目前我国的经济系统在市场主体、市场规则和政府职能三个方面，仍存在着不少计划经济的东西，与 WTO规则不相容。加入 WTO，是推动改革与发展的巨大的外部力量，我们应当借此之际从根本上去除我国经济系统的计划经济色彩，使之与 WTO规则相接轨，建立完善的社会主义市场经济体制。 　　改造市场准入与运行规则，为扩大对外开放和国内…     

加入WTO后我国政企关系模式探讨

我国现在的政企关系模式在加入WTO的背景下呈现出僵化的弊端,分析加入WTO对我国政企关系的影响,构建 新型政企关系,是我们需要探讨的重要课题。     

加入世贸组织与我国法制建设

经过15年的艰苦谈判,在履行加入世界贸易组织(WTO)全部法律程序后,我国正式成为WTO第143个成员。加入WTO,对我们意味着什么?其利何在,其弊何在,怎样通过努力,力争做到利大于弊?我们从法律上制度上应该怎样做好应对?许多新的问题要求我们深入思考、认真研究。 一、应对入世,必须深刻理解、全面把握WTO规则的本质特征 加入WTO标志着我国对外开放进入了一个新阶段,我们将在更大范围内和更深程度上     

加入WTO对我国政府信息化的影响及其对策分析

加入WTO在推动和冲击我国企业发展的同时 ,也将深刻影响政府行为和政府过程 ,政府信息化便是其中之一。文章从WTO规则、企业和政府三个方面 ,分析了加入WTO对我国政府信息化的影响 ,并对政府信息化如何应对新挑战提出了自己的一些建设性意见。     

加入WTO后体制摩擦大于经济摩擦

WTO规则的实质是市场经济规则 ,而我国社会主义市场经济体制尚不健全 ,这些是“体制摩擦”的法理依据和体制摩擦的客观动因。因此 ,加入WTO对我国带来的各种挑战中 ,体制挑战才是深层次的挑战。或者说 ,加入WTO后“体制摩擦”要远远大于“经济摩擦” ,“体制摩擦”将成为“经济摩擦”的核心。因此 ,加快体制改革的步伐 ,是应对加入WTO带来的各种挑战的关键。     

加入WTO与国有大中型企业改革

复关谈判以来 ,我国国有大中型企业改革不断深化 ,取得了可喜成果 ,但离WTO的要求还有较大差距 ,改革已进入关键时刻。我国加入 WTO,对国有大中型企业 ,既有利 ,又有弊 ;既有机遇 ,又有挑战。面对加入 WTO的机遇和挑战 ,国有大中型企业必须遵循WTO的规则 ,全面深化改革 ,增强竞争力。     

入世对我国教育的影响及其对策

教育是国家综合国力及其竞争力的基础。许多国家在国家竞争力受到挑战时,都从教育上寻求对策。加入WTO我国教育面临的挑战,一方面来自我国加入WTO对教育服务所作出的承诺,另一方面来自经济结构和产业结构调整的要求。     

加入WTO对我国利用外资政策的影响

中国加入WTO已经指日可待。入世后我国的利用外资将进入一个新的发展阶段,我国吸引外商投资的宏观经济环境将有非常大的改观,吸引外商投资的政策、法律环境将更趋宽松,限制将明显减少,外商投资的领域将进一步开放,应该说对我国扩大利用外资是一个很好的发展机遇。加入WTO对我国利用外资的影响加入WTO对我国利用外资是机遇也是挑战,但总的来说,机遇大于挑战,有利于我国扩大利用外资的规模。 (一)加入WTO,外资在电信、金融、商业流通等服务贸易领域将有一个比较大的扩展空间。电信业方面——电信行业是我国目前发展最为迅速的产业之一,也是外商最为关注、吸引外资潜力最大的一个服务贸易领域。在中     

努力推进政府行为的法治化

今年是我国加入WTO后的开局之年。加入WTO，对政府行为将提出新的更高要求，各级政府及其部门必须切实转变观念，积极应对，努力推进政府行为的法治化。     

构筑我国相对绿色壁垒法律体系初探

相对绿色壁垒为WTO法律体系所允许,具有合理性和进步性,被WTO各成员国普遍接受。加入WTO后,我国也应尽快着手构筑自己的相对绿色壁垒法律体系。     

The Politics of Foreign Direct Investment into Developing Countries: Increasing FDI through International Trade Agreements?

The flow of foreign direct investment into developing countries varies greatly across countries and over time. The political factors that affect these flows are not well understood. Focusing on the relationship between trade and investment, we argue that international trade agreements—GATT/WTO and preferential trade agreements (PTAs)—provide mechanisms for making commitments to foreign investors about the treatment of their assets, thus reassuring investors and increasing investment. These international commitments are more credible than domestic policy choices, because reneging on them is more costly. Statistical analyses for 122 developing countries from 1970 to 2000 support this argument. Developing countries that belong to the WTO and participate in more PTAs experience greater FDI inflows than otherwise, controlling for many factors including domestic policy preferences and taking into account possible endogeneity. Joining international trade agreements allows developing countries to attract more FDI and thus increase economic growth.     

加入WTO对我国国有商业银行的挑战及应对措施

加入WTO以后,我国国有商业银行将面临来自外资银行的巨大挑战.对我国国有商业银行的传统竞争优势的削弱,只有解决国有商业银行经营中存在的诸多问题,才能应对外资银行的挑战.     

加入WTO后铁路公安工作面临的挑战及对策

加入WTO后,公安机关除迎来良好的发展机遇外,无疑将面临大量新情况、新问题的严峻挑战。针对入世后公安工作面临的全方位挑战,铁路公安机关要立足现实,着眼全局,应时应势而动,研究制定必要的应对之策。     

从"门户开放"到中国加入WTO

从1900年美国提出“门户开放”政策,使中国回复到几个帝国主义国家共同支配的局面,到2001年世界贸易组织通过中国加入世贸组织的法律文件,中国正式成为世贸组织的一员,时间整整一百年。中国加入WTO与百年前的“门户开放”政策有着本质区别“。门户开放”是帝国主义列强侵略中国、破坏中国主权与独立的反动政策;中国加入世界贸易组织,是顺应世界经济的发展潮流,为世界经济全球化和中国经济的发展产生了重要影响,而克林顿政府的外交政策为中国加入世界贸易组织做出了积极贡献。     

Enhancing WTO Legitimacy: Constitutionalization or Global Subsidiarity?

Increasingly, scholars have articulated the challenge of global economic governance in constitutional terms. The World Trade Organization (WTO) is often painted as an incipient global economic constitution. Its legitimacy would be enhanced, some contend, by transforming the WTO treaty system into a federal construct. But the application of the language of constitutionalism to the WTO is likely to exacerbate the fears of the "discontents" of globalization that the international institutions of economic governance are not democratically accountable to anyone. We argue that the legitimacy of the multilateral trading order requires greater democratic contestability. The notion of global subsidiarity would be a more appropriate model for the WTO than that of a "federal" constitution. This notion incorporates three basic principles: institutional sensitivity, political inclusiveness, and top–down empowerment.     

Of Butchery and Bicycles: The WTO and the ‘Death’ of the Doha Development Agenda

The World Trade Organization's (WTO) Doha round is in trouble; but so is the way we talk about the institution and the negotiations. Economists, international lawyers, political scientists, practitioners and pundits alike have locked themselves into a deeply constraining and quite unhelpful way of talking and thinking about the WTO that has little to offer either the round or the Organization. Indeed, the way commentators have chosen to talk about the problems of the round, as well as the options for moving forward, may actually be compounding matters, reinforcing the likelihood that Doha will produce little, that future negotiations will continue to be dramatic and hard to conclude, and that inequitable outcomes will persist. My aim here is to shine a light on the bounded nature of the current debate with a view to agitating for a less constrained and more fruitful conversation about Doha, the WTO and beyond.     

论工业行业协会"入世"后面临的挑战及应对措施

我国的工业行业协会在对外经济贸易中发挥了重要作用,本文论述了入世之后我国的工业行业协会面临的挑战和机遇,提出了相应的应对措施.     

Negotiating North–South dynamics and the Philippine experience in the WTO

This paper elucidates how domestic and external factors have shaped the negotiating policy of the Philippines in bringing about incremental gains not only for its benefit but also for other developing countries during the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Agriculture Doha Development Round (DDR). The internal factors include the following: (1) executive monopoly of the WTO negotiations; (2) issue-based fragmentation and dispersal of authority; (3) the autonomy and flexibility of the Philippine WTO negotiator; (4) the involvement of civil society in the WTO negotiations, and (4) the central role of the Department of Agriculture as the lead agency in the WTO negotiations. A major reason for this is attributed to an external factor which is the centrality of agriculture as a major WTO issue among developing countries. Other external factors, on the other hand, include the following: (1) the strong solidarity among developing countries and (2) the confinement to particular issues with regards to coalition-building. These factors helped to strengthen the bargaining leverage of the Philippines, a seemingly ‘weak’ country, vis-à-vis the developed countries in the WTO.     

Is the WTO Dispute Settlement System a Disaster for the U.S.? An Evaluation of U.S. – China WTO Disputes

Since China’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), the WTO dispute settlement system (DSS) has resolved an impressive number of US–China trade disputes. Over the past few years, however, as tensions between the two have escalated over several trade issues, the WTO has been pushed toward irrelevance since the Trump administration. Alleging that the WTO is “a disaster” and its adjudication is very unfair to the US, former President Trump made no effort to hide his criticism of the WTO and its DSS in particular. Is Trump right about the WTO DSS? Based on an examination of US–China WTO disputes and the WTO adjudicators’ highly contentious interpretations of the concept of “public body” under the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (the SCM Agreement) as an example, this article shows that the WTO DSS is not particularly unfair to the US. While the WTO adjudicators sometimes did not fully follow the positions advocated by the US, they have adhered to generally accepted rules of treaty interpretation and exercised great caution to remain balanced and flexible in reaching their conclusions, especially on ambiguous issues. Though not perfect, the WTO DSS works as it is intended to. Engaging in the reform of the WTO and its DSS, instead of abandoning or marginalizing the WTO, should be a wiser and more practical choice for the Biden administration.

     

To support or not to support: The American debate on China’s WTO membership

This study surveys and analyzes divergent views in the United States regarding China’s WTO application. With various arguments, strong supporters, fierce opponents and moderates in the middle stand out as three major camps. Some look at the WTO case from their own, often narrow, perspectives; but all tend to link China trade to other, often broader, issues. People from various camps simply disagree on the means to achieve a common objective: a prosperous and democratic China that will not threaten America’s national interests. The American debate on China’s WTO accession has as much to do with domestic politics as it does international trade. The WTO controversy is part of the greater debate on America’s China policy in the post-Cold War era. The WTO debate suggests that a better understanding of the complex nature of the relationship is necessary for managing U.S.-China relations in the future. His research interests and publications have focused on global transformation and U.S.-Asia relations. The author wishes to thank three anonymous reviewers for their helpful suggestions.