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1.
马超 《学理论》2010,(10):46-47
随着我国公务员制度改革的不断深入和人才战略的实施,现行的公务员制度亟须进一步深化改革。薪酬是吸引人才的关键因素。而宽带薪酬正是对传统薪酬管理模式的完善,因此在宽带薪酬基础上对我国辽宁西北地区公务员薪酬现状进行分析,对其在辽宁西北地区政府部门的应用提出合理化建议。  相似文献   

2.
发展农村宽带网络建设,填补城乡之间的数字鸿沟,是建设社会主义新农村的必然要求;针对城乡宽带基础建设规模差距较大和农民对宽带网络的参与程度普遍较低的现状,结合政府、企业以及农民自身等各主体在发展中发挥的作用,建立以政府主导基础设施建设,企业对运营进行市场化操作为导向的可持续发展的长效机制;进而提出从宽带网络基础设施建设、信息资源服务机制建设及提高农民在宽带应用中的意识与能力三方面的实现路径.  相似文献   

3.
英国宽带管理制度包括宽带管理对象、定薪权力配置、薪酬宽带设计、薪酬与绩效的关系等几个方面,它的实施有利于提高文官的绩效水平与人力的利用效率,也有利于降低人事费用。但是,这种新型的分类制度必须具备一定的组织基础、制度保障、指导理念和政策驱动力,它也分化着文官的统一性、动摇着文官制度的传统、改变着文官的精神特质,其有效运行面临着确立合理有度的评估体系和公共责任这两个基本挑战。  相似文献   

4.
《学理论》2016,(8)
"一带一路"战略的实施给我国很多地区都带来了巨大的影响,草原丝绸之路的国家宏观战略为内蒙古全面建设经济发展核心圈带来了新的发展机遇。草原文化是连接草原丝绸之路各国最有共性特征的文化纽带,是提升"一带一路"战略亲和力和认同感的最有历史价值的人文基础。面对新的国内外环境,内蒙古要借助"一带一路"战略的伟大构想,弘扬草原文化,推动草原文化繁荣发展,重视草原文化建设和文化产业发展,为经济发展增添活力。  相似文献   

5.
信息化是北京面向21世纪和信息社会的重要城市发展战略,是首都发展的新动力和新主题。本文介绍了北京市信息化建设的现状以及存在的问题,并提出了促进北京市信息化发展的7项对策。  相似文献   

6.
美国联邦政府的宽带薪资试验及其启示   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
20世纪80年代以来,随着内外部环境的变化,建立在严格的职位分类基础之上的美国联邦政府传统薪资系统受到越来越多的挑战。为此,美国联邦政府开始探索适用于政府部门的新型薪资结构,宽带薪资试验就是这种尝试之一。三项宽带薪资试验对于美国政府机构乃至美国私营企业的薪资体系创新都产生了深远的影响。试验不仅揭示了宽带薪资是公共部门薪资体系的发展方向之一,而且对我国公共部门的薪资体系改革具有重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

7.
在对二战后世界各国科技发展战略模式进行初步分析的基础上,提出了建国后我国采取的符合本国国情的科技发展战略模式,突出了中国务实的科技发展基本战略思想.  相似文献   

8.
加快培育和发展战略性新兴产业   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
历史经验表明,每一次危机都孕育着新的技术突破,催生新的产业变革。事实上也正是如此,国际金融危机爆发之后,人们对新科技革命的认识更加深刻,更加强化了各国科技战略的规划力度,加快了实施步伐。  相似文献   

9.
第三世界国家发展战略是当前发展中国家最为关心的重大问题之一。不久前在北京召开的国际讨论会上,各国学者就此问题发表了看法,提出了不同地区的不同发展战略。亚洲“四小”外向型发展战略 实行外向型发展战略,利用有利的国际环境,及时从进口替代转向出口导向,是亚洲的新加坡、南朝  相似文献   

10.
自2008年国际金融危机爆发以来,美国、日本、欧盟等发达国家和地区纷纷制定新的国家发展战略,培育和发展节能环保、新能源、新材料、生物技术、宽带网络等新兴产业,将其作为应对金融危机、实现经济振兴、争夺新兴产业的话语权、抢占新一轮国际竞争制高点的重要突破口。深圳从2009年起,  相似文献   

11.
This article argues that the world as we know it is becoming increasingly integrated and that the traditional providers of foreign assistance for infrastructure and other purposes, are about to increase the demand that poorer nations like the OECS countries must do more for themselves during the process of social development. The article admits that poorer countries like the OECS have developed revenue raising structures that facilitate indigenous development but the post-Cold War reality intensifies the need for countries like the OECS to do more for themselves than ever before. The reasons for this occurrence have been stated largely as being attributed to financial, economic, attitudinal changes in major industrial countries, particularly in North America. These changes suggest difficult limes for industrial countries in the future and are likely to have serious impacts on countries like the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS). The article offers a specific approach to dealing with this anticipated demand from donor countries to do more for themselves. The author advocates the following: (1) expand the existing revenue structure of the OECS countries to include specific revenue instruments to finance new growth and development in these countries; (2) broaden the concept and practice of ‘pay-as-you-go’ to ‘pay-as-you-grow;’ (3) require new growth to pay its own way or at a minimum, to shoulder a large proportion of the cost; (4) let those who primarily benefit from new growth pay for it. ‘Impact’ or ‘development’ fees have been suggested to be a new method of financing growth, particularly in countries that are experiencing new levels of growth. The author argues that this method will not be unusual to developers-foreign investors from North America, or OECS nationals who may be returning temporarily or otherwise to their home country. This discussion on pay-as-you-grow, it is hoped, will contribute to the growing literature on Caribbean public finance.  相似文献   

12.

Using a multivariate framework and the most recently available data that include numerous African countries, this investigation has produced the first extensive statistical evaluation of China’s image in Africa based on China’s various economic relations with Africa, including aid, trade, FDI and contracts. We find that China’s economic development assistance, contracts, and to some degree, trade with African countries contribute to a positive image of China in Africa. In addition, we find that people in African countries of a smaller population, poorer livelihood, less open economy, and better governance tend to have positive views of China’s political and economic influence. With the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese economic activities in recipient countries have been increasing. The implications of this research shed light on how BRI may be received in the host countries and the likelihood of its success or failure.

  相似文献   

13.
The vacuum left by the collapse of colonial empires has been filled by new forms of cultural and ideological imperialism conceived largely in the West. The new imperialism is evident in such notions as sustainable human development (SHD) and ‘good’ governance, which in many ways are prescribed for poor countries by rich countries. It is suggested that there is no one best way to ‘good’ governance or SHD and that, while elements of a universal best practice may be found, considerable room should be left for local variations.  相似文献   

14.
Commentators in many poorer countries, examining the political realities of the Third World from within new and interesting micro-economic perspectives, have rediscovered the relevance of dysfunctions in government as pointers to the true nature of state relations and economic development. The result has been the appearance of a literature on two commonly observed phenomena in the least developed countries of Africa, South Asia and Latin America: the enhanced economic role of ‘second’ or ‘informal’ economies, and the declining relevance of formal state structures which results partly from economic incapacity. This paper surveys some of the more significant recent examples of this literary output and relates their findings to the problems of public administration in those countries which experience or are likely to experience these phenomena.  相似文献   

15.
This article proposes a model for the analysis, management and development of research institutes in developing countries which incorporates four interdependent dimensions: (i) a strategic management dimension concerned with the management of the organisation's internal and external environments and their interrelationships; (ii) a dimension concerned with ‘collaborative institutional arrangements’; (iii) an internal management and supervision dimension; and (iv) a ‘research operations’ dimension. A preliminary corroboration of the model's validity is derived from a review of relevant published literature and summaries of evaluation studies of research institutions in developing countries.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

The concept of migration and development (M&D) and practices in that area have lain on many countries’ political agendas for decades, with no clear focus or coherent strategy knitting together the various stakeholders working in the sphere. This article analyzes the main conceptions of M&D in the discourses and practices of Spanish NGOs and compares them with the focuses that have arisen in the academic sphere, for a look into primarily five issues: whether NGOs have their own focus on the migration-development nexus or are swayed by public institutions’ guidelines; whether NGOs steer their actions more toward preventing and restricting migration or toward promoting development; whether NGOs also consider potential effects on development in receiving countries; whether NGOs entertain the idea of participatory actions where immigrant persons hold centre stage; and whether NGOs fulfil their civic and political function as a propounding force to contribute to democratic governance in migration matters.  相似文献   

17.
Empirical evidence is presented on the development of (violent) political conflict in 19 West European countries during the 1970s, the early 1980s and the entire post‐Second World War period. It is possible to identify three types of nation‐groups: ‘noisy‐participatory’ states such as the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and more recently Spain and Portugal ‐ and Greece if taken on a per capita base. The group of rather ‘quiet’ democracies consists of the Scandinavian countries, Switzerland and Luxembourg, with the remaining countries forming the middle, less clearly delineated group. There are two dimensions of political conflict: collective protest, made up of variables such as protest demonstrations, political strikes and riots, and internal war, characterised by the breakdown of the slate monopoly of violence and the organised use of violence by anti‐system groups. A causal model of political protest is presented and confronted with rival explanations. Empirical evidence and theoretical arguments lead to scepticism about accurate predictions of political violence and political instability.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

Observers of Southeast Asian affairs commonly assume that the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are reluctant to pursue liberal agendas, and that their main concern is to resist pressure from Western powers to improve their human rights practice. This article, however, argues that such a conventional view is too simplistic. The Southeast Asian countries have voluntarily been pursuing liberal agendas, and their main concern here is to be identified as ‘Western’ countries – advanced countries with legitimate international status. They have ‘mimetically’ been adopting the norm of human rights which is championed by the advanced industrialized democracies, with the intention of securing ASEAN's identity as a legitimate institution in the community of modern states. Ultimately, they have been pursuing liberal agendas, for the same reason as cash-strapped developing countries have luxurious national airlines and newly-independent countries institute national flags. Yet it should be noted that the progress of ASEAN's liberal reform has been modest. A conventional strategy for facilitating this reform would be to put more pressure on the members of ASEAN; however, the usefulness of such a strategy is diminishing. The development of an East Asian community, the core component of which is the ASEAN–China concord, makes it difficult for the Western powers to exercise influence over the Southeast Asian countries. Hence, as an alternative strategy, this article proposes that ASEAN's external partners should ‘globalize’ the issue of its liberal reform, by openly assessing its human rights record in global settings, with the aim of boosting the concern of its members for ASEAN's international standing.  相似文献   

19.
Developing countries are pressured to adopt administrative solutions that the international community considers best practice. Some claim that these practices do not fit such contexts. How could one assess the fit or relevance of a best practice? This article suggests a basic answer: Look at the degree of difference between the proposed adoption context and the context in which such practice emerged as ‘best’. This answer emerges from a discussion on the basis of the new institutional ideas about change and diffusion. An empirical analysis of public financial management reform in African countries suggests support for this answer: Good practices are most evident in countries least different to the developed nations where practices originated and least evident in countries most different to these developed nations. The article contributes to a literature on best practice and yields fundamental messages for development, including the point that best practices are limited as administrative solutions in many developing countries. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

20.
‘Development Administration’ as an academic discipline originated in the West and has been dominated by Western thought. This article traces the development of the discipline and outlines its Western theoretical foundations and assumptions. The failure of Development Administration to solve the problems of the Third World is outlined, and the ‘indigenization of underdevelopment’ is discussed. New challenges to the discipline, that have been previously seen as ‘heretical’, are presented as alternatives to Western models that have proven their ineffectiveness. China, Guinea-Bissau, India, Tanzania and Libya are used as examples of countries attempting alternative routes to development and development administration. The article stresses the need for open examination of non-traditional models that may provide valuable clues in the struggle for a viable developmental strategy. It concludes by suggesting four major issues around which a new conceptualization can be built: accountable development administration, the role of values, the emergence of fundamentalist ideologies, and the challenges posed by the Third Development Decade.  相似文献   

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