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1.
《学理论》2013,(2)
会话合作语用策略中包含数量、质量、关系和方式四条准则。听力对话语篇中存在大量遵守或违反会话合作语用策略的句子。听力教师如能给英语专业学生介绍一些有关会话合作语用策略的知识,并对学生碰到的英语对话语篇根据该策略进行归纳和分析,这将能帮助学生熟悉这些策略并使用它们来判断听力对话语篇中的隐含信息,提高听力语用能力。  相似文献   

2.
王艳萍 《学理论》2013,(12):181-182
随着企业的快速发展,企业的对外场合越来越多,企业急需在商务英语语用能力上有较大提高。从目前企业的对外商务交往来看,应根据跨文化交际理论的指导,开展企业商务英语语用策略的研究,保证企业能够不断提高商务语用能力,提高在商务交流中的沟通效果,为企业带来直接的经济效益。由于企业商务英语语用能力属于跨文化交际的范畴,因此我们应按照跨文化交际理论的要求,深入研究目前企业商务英语语用现状,对企业商务英语语用存在的问题进行研究和分析,并提出解决方案,保证企业能在商务英语语用领域取得成功。  相似文献   

3.
陈辉 《理论探索》2012,(1):95-98
语用是理性化管理的重要内容。在理性化管理中,管理者运用语言来整合和激励员工的思想与行为,这使得管理语用具有了合管理本质性、激励性、文化适应性和身份适应性等特性。人力资源开发的基本语用,如"人力资源"、"人力资本"、"绩效评估"等决定了人力资源开发的本质与功能,即人力资源开发是人事管理的一种手段,其所能和所要解决的是人事管理的实践有效性问题。现实中以为可以用"人力资源开发"取代传统人事管理的想法不仅无法实现,而且会给组织实践和广大员工生存与发展带来明显的负面影响。鉴于此,我们应对人力资源开发进行重新定位,以便从根本上解决组织员工管理的有效性和人力资源开发功能的有效发挥问题。  相似文献   

4.
首先回顾了以会话含义和关联理论为代表的语用学理论对低调陈述成因及推理机制做出的阐释,鉴于它们都无法对低调陈述在言语行为中的动态演变过程作出说明,作者采用Verschueren的顺应论,从认知、社会和心理相结合的宏观语用角度对低调陈述进行剖析,对其作为语用策略在交际中的选择、商讨、顺应过程进行了研究.  相似文献   

5.
在英语专业教学中,传统教学法只注重提高学生的语言能力,忽视了学生语用能力的培养。而交际教学法将提升语言学习者的交际能力作为英语教学的最终目标。语用能力作为交际能力的重要组成部分,其重要性已得到充分肯定。语用能力的培养应从语用语言能力、社会语用能力、语用认知能力、语用心理能力、语篇组织能力、时讯语用能力、人际语用能力和母语语用能力八个方面着手。  相似文献   

6.
刘燕 《学理论》2014,(33):226-227
近年来,国内外研究者对语用失误开展了大量的研究,但大多局限于言语层面的语用失误,对于非言语层面的语用行为失误,还缺乏系统而成熟的研究。从语用行为失误的定义和分类出发,分析了大学生语用行为失误产生的原因,建议在大学英语教学中,要及时引入文化教学,了解文化差异,提升学生的语用行为意识,丰富学生的语用行为知识,以及通过帮助学生了解语言与社会变量之间的关系来提高学生语用行为失误的敏锐性,从而提升学生的语用行为能力。  相似文献   

7.
探讨了英语语用原则在商务英语语法课程中的应用,结合多种灵活的教学方式培养和提高商务英语学习者的语用能力。最后对在语法教学中培养学生语用意识的途径进行了探讨。  相似文献   

8.
邓永红 《学理论》2012,(21):239-240,255
在第二语言学习中,母语的语言规则和表达习惯应用于第二语言的现象被称为语言迁移。语用迁移包括正语用迁移和负语用迁移,对于负语用迁移的研究,大多数研究者集中在对它的负面影响的研究。本文对它的正面影响和负面影响都作了分析,并指出了它的影响对于英语教学的指导意义,对英语教学提出了一些建议。  相似文献   

9.
钟志刚 《学理论》2009,(14):210-211
语感(language sense)是指感受和领悟语言的一种能力。对英语语音、语义、语法和语用的领悟感知能力.对英语教学和英语的运用起着重要的怍用。本文阐述了语感的内涵,语感在大学英语教学中的重要地位。分析了学生英语语感较弱的原因,进而探讨了培养学生英语语感的基本策略。  相似文献   

10.
随着Web 3.0时代网络技术的发展,Petri网的语用复杂性研究已逐步展开。Petri网的复杂性主要体现在彰显异步并发事件复杂的相关性,对事务自身状态描述具有复杂性,实现了社会的网络化,彰显了语用主体边界的复杂性,与语用技术融合发展具有复杂性,它本身具有自组织性。以语用网为核心的全球性研究阵营已经形成,如何发展语用技术的功能成为互联网实现下一次技术飞跃的关键问题。  相似文献   

11.
A split-ballot experiment shows that, when people are asked how interested they are in following political campaigns, their response depends not only on the order in which the question is asked, but also on the broader electoral context in which it is posed. When asked how interested they were in following the political campaigns immediatelyafter a question about whether or not they voted in the (1982) election, people were more likely to think they were interested in the campaign, especially if they claimed to have voted, than if they were asked about it immediatelybefore the question on whether or not they voted. This order effect, however, appears to depend onwhen the questions are asked. If asked within a few weeks after the election, there is little or no order effect. But later, as the memory of the campaign fades, the order of the questions makes a sizable difference in the results. This order effect also seems to be more pronounced among better-educated respondents, suggesting that they are more likely to feel pressured by a social norm to vote and to express an interest in political affairs, not only in real life, but in the survey interview as well. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of the implications for the design of the interview schedule used in the American National Election Studies.The research reported in this paper was supported by a grant from the National Science Foundation (SES81-11404).  相似文献   

12.
Michael Parenti, the author of more than twenty books on a wide variety of topics, has taught political science and social science at several universities. He is a founder of the Caucus for a New Political Science. In recent years he has been devoted to writing and public speaking, lecturing across the United States, Canada, and elsewhere. He received his PhD in political science from Yale University. He currently lives in Berkeley, California. The following interview was conducted in early February 2012.1 1 Michael Parenti would like to thank Carl Boggs for his efforts in putting this interview together. He considers it a privilege to be interviewed by someone of Carl's caliber.   相似文献   

13.
戴锦君 《学理论》2011,(33):217-219,243
混合模式是远程教育的基本模式。通过问卷调查和访谈,探究了远程教育下混合模式学习中教师这个内在因素。教师要转换观念,要兼具课堂教学和网络教学的角色,成为学生学习的指导者,课程的开发者和群体的协作者。  相似文献   

14.
There are several reasons to fear that Iran will produce nuclear weapons. The country is making an enormous investment in nuclear reactors. The Shah gave a press interview in 1974 hinting at a weapons program. The Indian detonation of a peaceful nuclear device puts pressure on a near-neighbor like Iran.Yet there are also reasons to hope that this move will not be made. The Iranian investment in nuclear industry may not be premature in terms of peaceful economic purposes, and may thus not prove any military intent. A great deal of time will pass in any event before a real weapons potential is reached.A mixed forecast is thus in order, neither optimistic nor pessimistic. The Shah may well feel that Iran is better off keeping the entire Middle East free of nuclear weapons, as through its proposed Nuclear-Free Zone. Yet the policy process in Iran may make it difficult to get enough push behind this proposal.  相似文献   

15.
铁路公安国家公务员招录面试工作是铁路公安机关整体转入国家公务员队伍后面临的一个全新课题。实施精细化管理运作,做好人员分类管理、后勤保障支持、区域协调沟通、严格工作程序、实施人性化服务是确保招录面试工作正常开展的基本条件。面对招录考试中理念与现实、原则与操作之间的矛盾,必须树立"以人为本"理念,加强考官队伍建设,提高面试专业化程度,减低面试成本,缩小生源范围,进一步提升工作水平和管理能力,确保招录面试工作公开公平公正。  相似文献   

16.
Hero  Rodney E.; Sullivan  Richard 《Publius》1986,16(1):167-180
This article considers assisted housing policies during theReagan administration relative to four dimensions of what DeilS. Wright has called a "restoration" strategy: decongestion,devolution, decrementalism, and deregulation. General evidencesuggests that decrementalism has been the major thrust in assistedhousing policy, and evidence from Colorado seems to underscorethat general evidence. Questionnaire and interview data fromColorado housing authority directors do not indicate perceptionsof increased decongestion, devolution, and deregulation duringthe Reagan years. Decrementalism, the only dimension that housingauthority directors perceive to have come about, is not perceivedto have lessened regulation or to have brought about greaterlocal decisionmaking responsibility.  相似文献   

17.
Growing evidence shows that mass opinion varies by interview language, yet modest theory exists to explain this result. I propose a framework where language impacts survey response by making some political concepts more mentally accessible. I claim that concepts vary by how associated they are with certain languages, which means people are more likely to acquire a construct when it is tied to the tongue one speaks. Hence, recalling concepts from memory should be easier when the language a construct is linked to matches the tongue one interviews in, thereby intensifying people’s opinions. I test my theory by manipulating the interview language in two U.S. surveys of English/Spanish bilingual Latino adults. I generally find that language influences the accessibility of concepts. For example, subjects report higher opinion levels for concepts that are tied more to their interview language, such as American identity among English interviewees. Subjects who interview in English are also less likely to refuse completing items measuring knowledge about U.S. politics, and more likely to answer them quickly. Items reflecting constructs that are highly labile (e.g. anti-Obama affect) or very crystallized (e.g., partisanship) do not display these patterns. I then rule out that language effects are mostly mediated by a heightened sense of anxiety, anger, pride or efficacy that emerges when bilingual subjects interview in one of their languages.  相似文献   

18.
Workers are not instantly eligible for Social Security retirement benefits on their 62nd birthdays, nor can they receive benefits in the month they turn 62. This note discusses how well researchers can do using data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) to identify respondents old enough to receive and report early Social Security retirement benefits. It shows that only some workers aged 62 at the time of an HRS interview will be "62 enough" to have received a Social Security benefit and reported it in the survey. In general, workers become eligible for a retirement benefit the month after they turn 62, and they may receive their first payment the month after that. Until recently, payments were received very early in the month, but in mid-1997 and later, the Social Security Administration (SSA) staggered benefit payments over the course of a month. Therefore, many beneficiaries will not be able to report the receipt of their first benefit payment until the third month after their birthday in more recent HRS interviews. This note describes the best approach for approximating the pool of HRS respondents who are old enough to have reported the receipt of their first retirement benefit. It then applies the procedure to an analysis by Burkhauser, Couch, and Phillips, who used the 1994 HRS data to distinguish between those who took early retirement benefits upon turning 62 and those who postponed the receipt of benefits. Because these authors did not provide for respondents who were not "62 enough" to receive a benefit at the time of the interview, they understated the proportion of respondents who took retirement benefits at age 62.  相似文献   

19.
This paper considers the media outlet choice of a politician who seeks public approval for a political agenda in a broadcast interview. The available media outlets differ in their “toughness” towards the politician. An interview with a tougher media outlet is more informative, but is also more likely to yield a negative outcome. The choice of the media outlet determines the accuracy of the information that flows to the public and the volume of citizens who consume that information. The analysis shows that (1) politicians who enjoy sufficient popularity are likely to avoid tough media outlets, (2) when seeking approval for controversial agendas, politicians are more likely to appear in tougher outlets.  相似文献   

20.
This paper will examine Plaid Cymru's experience in government from 2007 to 2011. Drawing on literature on autonomist parties, parties in government for the first time, and Strøm and Müller's policy/office/votes framework, the paper examines where strategic 'trade-offs’ were made and what the consequences of such trade-offs were. The paper takes a qualitative approach, using semi-structured interview and documentary data. The paper finds that Plaid Cymru valued the policy-seeking potential of office at the expense of vote-seeking ones because of the importance of 'autonomist' goals, namely the 2011 referendum which saw primary law-making powers granted to the Welsh Assembly. Furthermore, the experience of governmental office exposed organizational vulnerabilities in the party's leadership structures which undermined the ability to construct an effective vote-winning strategy at the 2011 Welsh election, where the party lost four seats.  相似文献   

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