共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 109 毫秒
1.
Wilfred M. McClay 《Society》2008,45(5):403-405
Whatever else the 2008 presidential election may result in, we can be sure that it will only contribute further to the steadily
declining role of political parties in American politics, and the myriad negative consequences arising from that decline.
相似文献
Wilfred M. McClayEmail: |
2.
Measuring Exposure to Political Advertising in Surveys 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Daniel Stevens 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):47-72
Research on the influence of negative political advertising in America is characterized by fundamentally conflicting findings.
In recent years, however, survey research using estimates of exposure based on a combination of self-reported television viewing
habits and Campaign Media Analysis Group data (a database of all advertisements broadcast on national and cable television
in the top 75 media markets) has argued that exposure to negative political advertising boosts interest in the campaign and
turnout. This paper examines the measurement properties of self-reports of television viewing. I argue that the errors from
common survey formats may both be nonrandom and larger than previously acknowledged. The nonrandom error is due to the tendency
of politically knowledgeable individuals to be more sensitive to question format. Thus the inferences drawn about the relationship
between political knowledge, exposure to negative ads, and political behavior are also sensitive to the measures used to estimate
exposure. I demonstrate, however, that one commonly used measure of exposure—the log of estimated exposure—is not only more
theoretically defensible but also alleviates some of the more serious problems due to measurement error.
相似文献
Daniel StevensEmail: |
3.
Hahrie C. Han 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):103-116
Although robust citizen participation is fundamental to a healthy democracy, we still lack a clear sense of how to motivate
participation. This paper presents the results of an experimental study designed to see if the content of political appeals
matters in motivating participation. Previous research in this area has had mixed results. This paper finds that political
appeals that include some self-disclosure about the person making the request triggers a liking heuristic that causes subjects
to be more likely to comply with a request for action. Subjects receiving the treatment appeal are significantly more likely
to donate money to support a political cause.
相似文献
Hahrie C. HanEmail: |
4.
Some studies have contended that direct democracy has secondary benefits unrelated to its impact on policy. In particular,
recent scholarship claims that the American ballot initiative process enhances political efficacy. We began with concerns
about the logic and empirical methods underlying this conclusion. We connect this research to the broader political psychology
literature and in doing so find little reason to expect a positive relationship between direct democracy and efficacy. Our
other contribution is to subject the empirical claim to more extensive testing. In contrast to prior research, we draw from
multiple data sources and consider sampling methods. The results consistently fail to indicate that direct democracy generally
enhances political efficacy. We find cause for skepticism about the secondary benefits of the ballot initiative process.
相似文献
Edward L. Lascher Jr.Email: |
5.
Keena Lipsitz 《Political Behavior》2009,31(2):187-209
This study uses pooled NES and state-level turnout data from 1988 through 2004 to assess whether a participation gap is emerging
in the United States between the residents of battleground and non-battleground states in presidential elections. The analysis
finds that Electoral College (EC) participatory disparities are more likely to occur in voting and meeting attendance than
in donating and political discussion. Moreover, it suggests that such disparities are more likely to occur when presidential
elections are nationally competitive. The study also demonstrates that when participatory gaps do occur they are the result
of a surge in participation among battleground state residents—not of citizen withdrawal in safe states, as many EC critics contend.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Keena LipsitzEmail: Email: |
6.
This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred
to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion
is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing
the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives
for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming
that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human
rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should
pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.
相似文献
A. Cooper DruryEmail: |
7.
This article outlines the recent development of Chinese political studies spawned by the transformation of Chinese politics
in the post-Mao era, with its focus mainly on contributions from the Chinese scholarship. After a close examination of the
applicability of the western theories on the transforming politics in China, it reviews the indigenous methodologies, the
theorizations on the Chinese Communist Party, the state-society relationship analysis, and research on the central-local relationship.
Referring to the original works in different periods, the article generally portrays the indigenous contributions of the Chinese
academia, and illustrates the essential connections between real politics and theoretical progress.
Yang Guangbin PhD, Professor in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. Professor Yang’s research areas include comparative institutional analysis, the political economy of China, institutions of governance, regulatory state, democratic politics, political development, Chinese domestic political economy and foreign relations. Li Miao a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. His research interests include political development, state-society relationship, and religion & politics, with a particular emphasis on the Church-State relations in contemporary China. 相似文献
Guangbin YangEmail: |
Yang Guangbin PhD, Professor in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. Professor Yang’s research areas include comparative institutional analysis, the political economy of China, institutions of governance, regulatory state, democratic politics, political development, Chinese domestic political economy and foreign relations. Li Miao a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. His research interests include political development, state-society relationship, and religion & politics, with a particular emphasis on the Church-State relations in contemporary China. 相似文献
8.
We report the results of an experiment designed to replicate and extend recent findings on motivated political reasoning.
In particular, we are interested in disconfirmation biases—the tendency to counter-argue or discount information with which
one disagrees—in the processing of political arguments on policy issues. Our experiment examines 8 issues, including some
of local relevance and some of national relevance, and manipulates the presentation format of the policy arguments. We find
strong support for our basic disconfirmation hypothesis: people seem unable to ignore their prior beliefs when processing
arguments or evidence. We also find that this bias is moderated by political sophistication and strength of prior attitude.
We do not find, however, that argument type matters, suggesting that motivated biases are quite robust to changes in argument
format. Finally, we find strong support for the polarization of attitudes as a consequence of biased processing.
相似文献
Charles S. TaberEmail: |
9.
Scott D. McClurg 《Political Behavior》2006,28(4):349-366
Despite scholarly interest in determining how exposure to disagreeable political ideas influences political participation, existing research supports few firm conclusions. This paper argues that these varied findings stem from an implicit model of contextual influence that fails to account for the indirect effect of aggregate social contexts. A model of contextual influence is outlined which implies that the neighborhood partisan context moderates the effect of political disagreement in social networks on campaign participation. The evidence shows that network disagreement demobilizes people who are the political minority in their neighborhood, but has no influence on people in the majority. When viewed together, these findings indicate that a person’s relationship to the broader political environment sets distinctive network processes in motion.
相似文献
Scott D. McClurgEmail: Phone: +1-618-453-3191 |
10.
Catherine Simpson Bueker 《Society》2009,46(5):423-428
Policy makers tend to focus on the extension of citizenship as the primary means by which new populations become incorporated
into a society. Although acquiring formal citizenship is necessary in order to participate in many aspects of a state's civic,
social, and political life, the extension of legal citizenship is far from a guarantee for full membership. Instead of focusing
exclusively on naturalizing immigrants, we need to consider T.H. Marshall's three spheres of citizenship—the civil, political,
and social. By extending social elements of citizenship prior to or at the same time as we extend other benefits, we will
move towards more complete citizenship for and greater civil and political engagement among all residents in our society—non-citizens,
naturalized, and native-born, alike.
相似文献
Catherine Simpson BuekerEmail: |
11.
Peter R. Moody Jr. 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(3):253-274
It is both a truth and a truism that Chinese politics cannot be understood without reference to Chinese culture (a truth and
truism that would apply to any other society as well). But within the academic discipline of political science political culture
has lost status over the past generation as not conducive to the development of empirical political theory. The usual candidate
for replacement is rational choice theory. But properly understood, political culture is compatible with rational choice,
inasmuch as there is no single standard of rationality, but, rather, it will vary from society to society and era to era.
Considerations of the cultural background are necessary to provide content to rational choice theory, since without consideration
of culture context rational choice threatens to reduce to a set of colorless banalities.
Peter Moody is Professor of Political Science at The University of Notre Dame in South Bend, Indiana. Moody specializes in Chinese politics. His more recent book is Conservative Thought in Contemporary China (2007). He is editor of China Documents Annual and book review editor of Review of Politics. He has written on Chinese politics, Asian international affairs, Chinese political thought, international relations theory, and theory of political parties. 相似文献
Peter R. Moody Jr.Email: |
Peter Moody is Professor of Political Science at The University of Notre Dame in South Bend, Indiana. Moody specializes in Chinese politics. His more recent book is Conservative Thought in Contemporary China (2007). He is editor of China Documents Annual and book review editor of Review of Politics. He has written on Chinese politics, Asian international affairs, Chinese political thought, international relations theory, and theory of political parties. 相似文献
12.
Diqing Lou 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):167-190
This paper is interested in the decline of congressional voting in urban China. Classic studies in comparative politics long
argue that with economic development, countries would experience increased level of political participation. Employing the
1993 Social Mobility and Social Change Survey and 2002 Asian Barometer Survey, I found congressional voting in urban China
declined substantially in the past decade. With the analyses of the Probit Model and Generalized Linear Model, I contributed
this decline to the disappearance of sociopolitical institutions that used to serve critical conduits for citizens’ participation.
I argue that although economic development produces more resources to encourage participation, overall political participation
actually declines in urban China and the public opts to withdraw from politics.
Dr. Diqing Lou is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Potical Science at Rider University. Her main area of research is comparative politics, especially Chinese politics, with a focus on political participation, political representation and development of civil society. 相似文献
Diqing LouEmail: |
Dr. Diqing Lou is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Potical Science at Rider University. Her main area of research is comparative politics, especially Chinese politics, with a focus on political participation, political representation and development of civil society. 相似文献
13.
Jay K. Dow 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):117-136
This study assesses whether gender-based differences in political knowledge primarily result from differences in observable
attributes or from differences in returns for otherwise equivalent characteristics. It applies a statistical decomposition
methodology to data obtained from the 1992–2004 American National Election Studies. There is a consistent 10-point gender
gap in measured political knowledge, of which approximately one-third is due to gender-based differences in the characteristics
that predict political knowledge, with the remaining two-thirds due to male–female differences in the returns to these characteristics.
The methodology identifies the relative contribution of the predictors of political knowledge to each portion of the gap,
and then uses this information to elucidate the underlying sources of the political knowledge gender gap and its prognosis.
Education is the characteristic that most clearly enlarges the gap, with men receiving significantly larger returns to political
knowledge from education than women. Group membership reduces the gap as women obtain gains in political knowledge from belonging
to organizations that do not accrue to men. However, these gains are not sufficient to significantly reduce the gap.
相似文献
Jay K. DowEmail: |
14.
Does Workplace Experience Enhance Political Participation? A Critical Test of a Venerable Hypothesis
Per Adman 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):115-138
Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis
put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic
decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative
panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation
was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional
data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance
of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.
相似文献
Per AdmanEmail: |
15.
Oliver Heath 《Political Behavior》2007,29(4):493-516
Turnout decline in Britain is greater than it first appears since changes in the social composition of the electorate have
had a positive impact on turnout. This paper finds that whereas a weakening in the strength of party identification is associated
with the long-term decline, the political context influences short-term variation. Partisan dealignment is also changing the
dynamics of the determinants of turnout. Since non-identifiers are more strongly influenced by the political context than
strong identifiers, and there are now more non-identifiers than previously, the political context is becoming a more important
factor in determining whether people vote or not.
相似文献
Oliver HeathEmail: |
16.
Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
Natalie Jomini Stroud 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):341-366
Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs.
Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded
views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the
concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective
exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This
study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely
to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that
people’s political beliefs are related to their media exposure—a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses
suggest that people’s political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly
politically divided over the course of the 2004 election.
相似文献
Natalie Jomini StroudEmail: |
17.
Advocates claim that when citizens can make law through voter initiatives, they become better citizens. This paper puts that
claim into context. Using data from the Current Population Survey November Supplement and American National Election Studies
for each election between 1978 and 2004, it demonstrates that voter initiatives in the American states have limited effects
on turnout, and on political knowledge and efficacy. Initiatives increase voters’ likelihood of turning out to vote in six
of seven midterm elections under study, but show no effect on turnout at presidential elections. For knowledge among non-voters
and for political efficacy among all respondents, the results show null effects; for knowledge among voters, they indicate
modest effects.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Ian YohaiEmail: |
18.
Over the past two presidential elections, the major parties have been making a push at appealing to Latinos, airing over 3000 political advertisements in Spanish in the 2000 presidential election. In this paper, we ask whether the political ads used in the 2000 election had any effect on Latino turnout. We argue that the effectiveness of ads on the likelihood of turnout depends on how targeted the ad is to Latinos and the individual’s process of acculturation. We test our hypotheses using data from the Campaign Media Analysis Group, merged with data from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey. We find that the effectiveness of the ads on the likelihood of turnout was mediated by the individual’s dominant language, which is taken as a proxy for the process of acculturation.
相似文献
Victoria M. DeFrancesco SotoEmail: |
19.
The paper provides a test of Zaller’s reception and acceptance model. The theory describes conditions under which a political
message is received, and, if received, accepted or rejected. The study deals with the 1988 Canadian election that was fiercely
fought over one central issue, the Free Trade Accord with the United States. We use the 1988 Canadian Election Study campaign
rolling cross-section survey, and we test Zaller’s propositions about who is most likely to receive and then accept party
messages. Our findings provide little support for the model. We suggest that when an issue is hotly debated in an election
campaign voters who receive party messages are able to connect these messages to their values and predispositions whatever
their level of political awareness.
相似文献
André BlaisEmail: |
20.
Michael P. McDonald 《Political Behavior》2008,30(4):491-501
I find that statewide registration portability—permitting registrants who move anywhere within a state to transfer their registration
and vote on Election Day at their new polling place—increases turnout rates among movers by 2.4% points. The effect is similar
among movers living in EDR states, suggesting that about a quarter of the beneficial turnout effect of EDR is realized by
recent movers. Yet, movers are still less likely to vote even where these policies are present. These findings further challenge
existing literature that finds that reregistering is the primary impediment of voting among movers.
相似文献
Michael P. McDonaldEmail: URL: elections.gmu.edu |